-Caveat Lector-

Comment
http://www.observer.co.uk/comment/story/0,6903,887300,00.html
Whose sex life is it anyway?

Only a state that likes locking up people would dream up even more sexual
offences

Carol Sarler
Sunday February 2, 2003
The Observer

On Christmas Day, some 30,000ft in the air, the darkened plane was flying
its cargo of sleeping passengers when my daughter woke and sneaked
silently towards the toilet. As she rounded the curtain, she came upon
two of the cabin crew - how shall we put this? - sexually engaged. Blushes
all round, and she came back with a huge grin; heck, it's Christmas, innit?

We must be glad, now, that they made it in time. Under the Government's
new Sexual Offences Bill, published on Thursday, there is a whole host of
spanking new crimes which include sex in public places (complete with jail
term for miscreant) and , for the first time, 'voyeurism' becomes a specific
offence (jail for that, too). We might therefore assume that someone with
an affection for the sound of the slamming of cell doors could have hit
bingo: both crew, plus my daughter, three for the price of one.

Granted, that is an exaggeration. Nevertheless, the Bill does read like a
charter for people who like to lock up other people; among the
supporters is Home Secretary David Blunkett.

Of course one has to agree with Lib Dem MP Simon Hughes, that 'those
who offend against children and vulnerable adults must receive the
strongest penalties'. But among such worthy provisions, the Bill scatters
prohibitions whose enforcement will prove at best unworkable and at
worst unjust. For instance, someone who 'knows or is reckless about
whether they can be seen having sex is guilty of an offence', an example
being that having sex in a back garden which can be seen from the street
would be a crime. So: what if they can be seen from the street... with a
pair of binoculars? What if they plant a bush... but - crikey! - their bare
and conjoined feet stick out behind it?

Gay sex in public lavatories will be OK, but only if the cubicle door is
closed. Memorandum to George Michael, perhaps - but you can place bets
now for an amendment regarding sound effects. Incest will be extended to
cover not just blood relatives but also foster and adoptive parents and live-
in partners; well, there's an end to British visits for Woody Allen and Soon-
Yi.

Bestiality becomes another 'specific offence' - even though the RSPCA has
always taken a rather stern line on it, bringing prosecutions last year - as
does necrophilia which, frankly, has never really had great press anyway.
So why bother unless, one must ask again, you want to reinforce your
image as people who like to lock up other people?

Predictably, the main propulsion towards this visible legal muscle - and the
hard core of the Bill itself - comes from a noisy lobby alarmed by the
current rate of rape convictions, a rate that the Government wishes to
see 'improved' (a value-laden term that offers cold comfort to the more
than 20 men each week who face the ordeal of remand before standing
trial, scrutinised by family, friends and colleagues, and then being found
not guilty and left to pick up the pieces).

The figure most vigorously bandied is that the conviction rate in 1985 was
25 per cent but only 7 per cent in 2000. The 7 per cent, however, is
misleading in that it dates from complaint and not from trial. Only a
minority of reported rapes get to court; the rest fall to attrition at the
hands of police or Crown Prosecution Service, or to the alleged victim un-
alleging herself, courtesy of a change of heart or memory. Of the reported
rapes that are tried, 30 per cent result in conviction; not quite as
tremulously small a figure as the 7 per cent, though it still vexes many of
the feminist persuasion, given that in 1985 it was more than double that.

What they ignore is that the circumstances laid before a jury today are
different from those of two decades ago. An increase in the incidence of
'date rape' reports means an increase in trials that hinge entirely upon the
issue of consent; it is noteworthy that conviction in stranger-rape cases
has remained constant.

Yet instead of following the considered suggestions that this difficulty
might be overcome by making 'date rape' a separate, lesser crime for which
a jury might feel more comfortable convicting with fewer, lesser lockings-
up, the Bill flies in the face of the fundamental principle of British justice
and shifts the onus to the defendant to prove 'with sufficient evidence'
that he took reasonable steps to ensure his partner consented. How?
You'll love this bit: 'It might be evidence from a friend... who was in the
next-door room at the time and heard what was going on.'

No such friend so handy? Well there you go - another one you can lock up.

It is doubtless effectively vote-worthy to promise more souls rotting in
more prisons to a Sun readership. But to create new crimes to create new
excuses to throw away the key is troubling - most especially given that
while the laws may be new the practices they proscribe are not; the only
arguably 'new' practice mentioned in the Bill is the use of drug-assisted
sexual assaults... and even then, one fancies that the result is much of a
muchness with the dastardly, older arts of alcohol and patience combined.

It is troubling when a government places itself within the essentially
personal; troubling that it overlooks the fact that men and women have, if
the expression be pardoned, rubbed along together for a good while, with
rules for some being wholly inappropriate for others.

But what is most troubling - and most disappointing - of all is that it should
be this government, the first ever to be made up entirely of the
generation for whom and by whom 'the permissive society' was named. To
think: some of us, once, really believed they meant it.

Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2003
Forwarded for your information.  The text and intent of the article
have to stand on their own merits.
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