-Caveat Lector-

Tony Blair was been conned by Bush and he's been
had once again. Poor Tony is now left alone to
watch how british are used for target practice
and his whole political career is shot. All he
has left is a few empty promises from the Bush
family business partners.

What's he to do? Admit to the British in public
that he was had? That he believed a liar and acted
in good faith? Or pretend that he still believes
his cause is just, even though the whole world sees
him for what he is. A conned man standing naked!

The honorable thing would be to admit he was fooled
and call back the British troops, stop committing
any more war crimes without justice or just cause.

Does Britain's Tony Blair have any guts left to
stand up to his own words, or will he poolde-along,
yapping when his master tells him to? Can Britain
be said to be an independent state at all in this
stage? I do not think so any more.

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,482-626898,00.html

March 29, 2003

Are we witnessing the madness of Tony Blair?
Matthew Parris


Most of us have experienced the discomfort of watching a friend go off the
rails. At first his oddities are dismissed as eccentricities. An absurd
assertion, a lunatic conviction, a sudden enthusiasm or unreasonable fear,
are explained as perhaps due to tiredness, or stress, or natural
volatility. We do not want to face the truth that our friend has cracked
up. Finally we can deny it no longer ? and then it seems so obvious: the
explanation, in retrospect, of so much we struggled to reconcile.

Sometimes the realisation comes fast and suddenly. It did for me at
university when my Arab fellow student Ahmed, who for months had been
warning me of the conspiracies of which he suspected we might be victims,
pulled me into his room to show me the death-ray he could see shining
through his window. It was somebody?s porch-light. Likewise, the madness
of King George III, which came in spells, was undeniable when it came. At
other times the realisation is a slow, sad dawning of the obvious.
Sometimes it is a friend about whom we worry. Sometimes it is a prime
minister.

I will accept the charge of discourtesy, but not of flippancy, when I ask
whether Tony Blair may now have become, in a serious sense of that word,
unhinged.

Genius and madness are often allied, and nowhere is this truer than in
political leadership. Great leaders need self-belief in unnatural measure.
Simple fraudsters are rumbled early, but great leaders share with great
confidence tricksters a capacity to be more than persuaded, but inhabited,
by their cause. Almost inevitably, an inspirational leader spends
important parts of his life certain of the uncertain, convinced of the
undemonstrable.

So do the mentally ill. It can be extremely difficult to distinguish
between a person who is sticking bravely to a difficult cause whose truth
is far from obvious, and a person who is going crazy. It took us quite a
while to explain David Icke?s beliefs in the only useful way in which they
could be explained ? and he was on the political fringe. A national leader
commands vastly more respect and will be given the benefit of many more
doubts than Mr Icke ever was. Colleagues, commentators and the wider
public are usually late to face up to evidence that the boss has gone
berserk, even though the evidence may have been around for quite some
time.

There are good reasons for this. To call somebody mad is bad manners even
when fair comment. To tackle your opponent?s argument by questioning his
sanity can look like a childish copping- out from sensible discussion. How
can the victim answer back?

But the charge is sometimes germane. It may become the only thing worth
considering. Winston Churchill had lost the plot long before the proper
public discussion this deserved got under way. And I myself believe that
one of my political heroes, Margaret Thatcher, began to lose her mental
balance well before the end, and before those close to her allowed
themselves to consider this explanation of her behaviour. For me the
suspicion first dawned when the then Prime Minister devised for the Lord
Mayor?s banquet a dress with such an extravagant train that she needed
someone to help her with it into the Mansion House. This was when she was
beginning to refer to herself as ?we?, and treating friends who warned her
of her fate as treacherous. A telltale of incipient insanity is when the
victim begins to take a Manichaean view of the universe.

There are good reasons why those at the top can go quietly bonkers before
their inferiors wake up to the warning signs. The first is obviously
deference. ?The Madness of King Tony? might ? I accept ? seem an
impertinent way of discussing our leader during a war when, whatever
application it may have in Tony Blair?s case, it applies to Saddam Hussein
in spades.

Beyond deference, however, those at the top of the pyramid who are anxious
to impress us with truths which are not obvious have another powerful
weapon at their disposal. They can credibly claim to know more than we can
be told. To the man in the street, the most potent of Mr Blair?s arguments
for invading Iraq is that he and George W. Bush are in possession of
special intelligence which supports their stand but which cannot be
divulged. And no doubt that is true. The question is about the amount of
support such intelligence lends, not its existence.

Note from your own experience, as well as from the history books, how
those with a claim which sounds incredible tend to support it by claiming
a private source of information they are unable to share. Joan of Arc
heard voices. Ahmed said he could feel the lethal qualities of the
apparent porch-light and reminded me that his enemies would obviously
decoy the ignorant by disguising death-rays in this way. One or another
version of God has been a time-honoured way for madcap leaders to give
their actions an authority not apparent to the five senses of their
audiences. Cornered by reality, ?private sources? are the last refuge of
the deluded.

Is Mr Blair among them? Let me outline some of my grounds for worry. Any
one of these grounds might be dismissed as negligible, or indicative of
nothing more sinister than conviction; but cumulatively I find them
worrying.

Mr Blair has stopped sounding like a career politician. He has lost the
professional polish of a man doing a job, and developed that fierce, quiet
intensity which, from long experience of dealing with mad constituents, I
know that the slightly cracked share with the genuinely convinced. He has
lost his feel for whom to confront, or when and where, and puts himself
into situations (like the slow handclapping by anti-war women) which do
not assist his case. Historians may point to Mr Blair?s private ? but
publicised ? audience with the Pope as an early sign of a dawning
unrealism about the perceptions of others. Did he this week stop for a
moment to think what impression would be made on grieving parents by his
wild-eyed suggestion (based on misinformation) that two British soldiers
had been executed by the Iraqis in cold blood?

Blair?s long-standing tendency to compartmentalise logic (a habit all
politicians share to some degree) is now being pushed to extremes. The
speeches the ?old? Europeans are making ? about giving Iraq more time,
accepting gradual progress and not sticking to a literal interpretation of
earlier demands ? are exactly the speeches Mr Blair himself gives
(persuasively) in defence of letting the IRA off the decommissioning hook.

This logic-chopping alarms. The Prime Minister has lost his sense of how
his indignation at Iraqi brutality jars, coming from someone attacking a
country whose puny forces are grotesquely outgunned by ours. His anger at
the French (whose position has been consistent and identical to that which
Blair held until a year ago) is inexplicable to those of us who are not
doctors. He displays a demented capacity to convince himself that it is
the other guy who is cheating.

He has started saying things which are not only unsustainable, but
palpably absurd. The throwaway remark to Parliament that he would ignore
Security Council vetoes which were ?capricious? or ?unreasonable? was more
than ill-considered: coming from a trained lawyer it was stark, staring
bonkers. It was breathtaking. For risibility I would bracket it with
Ahmed?s death-ray. The whole country should have been crying with
laughter. That the British media should have been mesmerised into
reporting him in any other way still leaves me dumbfounded. No sane lawyer
could have said what Blair said.

He keeps retreating into a hopeless, desperate optimism: another sign of
lunacy. He seems to have promised the Americans he could deliver Europe,
and told the Europeans he could tame America. There was scant ground for
hope on the first score and none on the second. The belief that
irreconcilables can be reconciled by one?s personal contacts and powers of
persuasion is a familiar delusion among people who are not quite right in
the head. While each futile promise is in the process of being
demonstrated to be undeliverable, he goes into a sort of nose-tapping,
?watch this space? denial. When finally the promise is abandoned he turns
insouciantly away ? and makes a new promise.

This week he has been promising to sort out the Americans, and persuade
them to let the United Nations supervise the post-conflict administration
of Iraq. He is probably telling the Americans he can sort out the Security
Council. He can do neither. Meanwhile, he has forgotten that his previous
position was that the coalition partners invaded as agents of the UN
anyway, so it isn?t up to Washington to give permission. Any bank manager
used to dealing with bankrupts with a pathological shopping habit who have
severed contact with arithmetic will recognise the optimism.

Have the rest of the Cabinet tumbled yet to the understanding that this
may not be about Iraq at all, but about the Prime Minister? My guess is
that those closest to Mr Blair must be beginning to wonder privately. It
is time people pooled their doubts.

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