-Caveat Lector-
--[2]--
If the Skull & Bonesmen needed a legitimate justification for reviving their
ever-present dislike of the East European Ashkenazic Jews, the Wall Street
Zionists who became known as the so-called "New Crowd" provided them with all
the excuses necessary. When Jonathan Jay Pollard, a Naval intelligence
analyst, was arrested in November 1985 and charged with spying for Israel
against the United States, there was a resurgence of more unabashed
antisemitism among the Bonesmen and their blueblood upperclass mates. It has
since become a hallmark of the Bush White House. Even when practiealc
political affairs have demanded that the Bush administration deal with the
American Zionist lobby or the right-wing Shamir government of Israel, there
has been a distinctive undertone of distrust bordering on overt hostility.
BUSH IN PROFILE
Unlike Averell Harriman, who reportedly coveted personal political power
and drew sharp criticism from some of his fellow Bonesmen, George Bush has
been a long-term "project" of Skull & Bones. The Bush presidency in real and
symbolic terms represents the-effort by the Order to restore the lost spirit
of the WASP warrior Henry Stimson. With the passage of time and the decay of
the WASP elite, the Bush presidency may yet prove to be a tragic replay of
past American dreams.
George Bush's career was sponsored every step of the way by Skull &
Bones members, mostly of his father's generation. Prescott Bush (Skull & Bones
Class of 1917), a Brown Brothers Harriman partner who would serve one term in
Congress as senator from Connecticut, sent George to the traditional private
preparatory school, Phillips Academy in Andover, New Hampshire, which grooms
young New England squires for later studies at Yale.
It was while finishing his prep school training at Andover that Bush was
first exposed to Henry Stimson. Reportedly, Stimson delivered a stirring
patriotic speech to the Phillips student body in l940 arguing forcefully for
American intervention in the war in Europe. Ironically, at that very moment on
the Yale campus, the majority of Skull & Bonesmen were leading the Ameriea
First movement, which opposed any such U.S. entanglement in Europe.
When war with Japan broke out a year later, George Bush enlisted in the
Navy and was trained as a pilot. He flew more than 50 missions before being
shot down in the Pacific. At Yale after the war, Bush captained the baseball
team and followed his father's footsteps into the Order.
Political legends have it that George Bush shunned his family's
patronage and went off on his own to launch a business career as an oil
wildcatter, or speculator, in Texas. Nothing could be farther from the truth.
Bush moved to Texas to work for Dresser Industries selling oil drilling
equipment. The job was arranged for him by his father with Dresser president
Neil Mallon, who was a fellow member of Skull Bones. Desser, according to
several sources, had close ties with the CIA.
After a few years with Dresser, George Bush set up his own company,
Zapata Oil, to explore new oil fields in Texas and Mexico. Again, Bush was
heavily backed by member of his family. Uncle George Herbert Walker, also a
Skull & Bonesman, put up a large amount of capital, as did Brown Brothers
Harriman. Lazard Brothers, a Jewish brokerage house with longstanding friendly
ties to the New England WASPs, put up some money as well, at the urging of
Andre Meyer, the owner of the Washingtor. Post Corporation and the father of
the current Post publisher Kathanne Graham. Zapata Oil sunk the first offshore
well for the Kuwaiti government.
Even with that kind of backing, George Bush was less than a success as a
businessman. In 1964, a longtime Bush friend, William Farrish III of Scotland,
bought the majority of shares in Zapata for $3.2 million to keep the business
afloat, while George, in a major career shift, ran for U.S. Congress from a
wealthy district in Houston, Texas. He won.
During his three terms in Congress (Bush lost the 1970 Senate race to
Lloyd Bentsen), George Bush distinguished himself as an advocate of zero
population growth and a defender of the eugenics movement. Both of these
positions, radical for their day, were probably the result of Bush's close
friendship with William Draper Jr.—a fellow Bonesman and a longtime advocate
of population reduction schemes in the Third World.
The 1970s were for George Bush years of grooming in high-level politics
and foreign policy. During the Nixon re-election campaign of 1972, George Bush
was the chairman of the Republican National Committee. He later joined the
chorus calling for Nixon's resignation. After a tour as the U.S. Ambassador to
the United Nations, Bush was sent off to Communist China as the Chief Liaison
Officer prior to the formalization of diplomatic relations. Bush shared the
Beijing experience with Winston Lord, a fellow Skull & Bones member who was
the CIA station chief. Lord went on to become president of the New York
Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) in 1983. (The Lord family founded the city
of Hartford, Connecticut, has a large number of Skull & Bones members on its
family tree, and set up one of the most powerful old-line Wall Street law
firms, Lord Day Lord.) In 1975, George Bush completed his "grooming" with a
brief stint as Gerald Ford's CIA director.
In 1980, Bush ran a short-lived campaign against Ronald Reagan for the
Republican Party's presidential nomination. Future running mate Reagan cut
short Bush's 1980 presidential hopes by defeating him soundly in the primary
election in New Hampshire, in the heart of New England. Reagan blasted Bush
for his membership in the internationalist Trilateral Commission, which had
attained notoriety because 20 members of the unpopular Carter administration
had served on the commission. Bush's campaign was otherwise noteworthy
beceause a significant number of his campaign volunteers were CIA officials;
his campaign organization was directed by six top Agency and Pentagon
retirees.
THE ORDER'S NETWORK
With Bush in the White House, the WASP Establishment is seeking to
reconquer lost territory, not only within the domain of national politics, but
within the financial community, the legal profession and big business. A
struggle between some elements of the WASP crowd and the Jewish "New Crowd" on
Wall Street has been playing out in the newspapers and federal courts for the
past six years, beginning with the criminal indictments of junk bond dealers
Ivan Boesky and Michael Milken and the bankrupting and criminal prosecuting of
the powerful Zionist-run brokerage house Drexel Rurnham Lambert.
To some extent these wars reflect the kind of scramble that always takes
place during a financial crisis and shakeout, when certain formerly powerful
financial institutions are wiped out and others profit from their rivals'
adversity. During the Great Depression of the 1930s, the House of Morgan came
out on top. Not coincidentally, Morgan Guaranty Trust and Morgan Stanley have
been cornerstones of the Skull & Bones grouping on Wall Street since their
founding duling the last century. Founding partner Harold Stanley was a
Bonesman.
One hub of the Order's postwar economic power, the major multinational
oil corporations, have clearly benefited greatly from President Bush's
"charming little colonial war" in the Persian Gulf. The leading oil companies
which are linked to the Order are: Standard Oil Trust Corporation, Shell Oil
of America, Creole Petroleum Corporation and Pennzoil Corporation. The founder
and present chairman of the board of Pennzoil started out in the oil business
in partnership with George Bush in Zapata Oil. It is interesting to note in
the context of the Bonesmen's deep involvement in the world petroleum business
that George Bush, during his early days as a Texas oilman, had worked closely
with the Kuwaitis.
Eight major Wall Street and Washington, D.C. law firms stand out as
practically wholly-owned subsidiaries of the Order of Skull & Bones. Each of
these firms was founded by members of the Order, and each of these firms
continues to provide up-and-coming- Order initiates in the legal community
with training, credentials and connections. A review of the major corporate
clients of these firms would reveal many of the most powerful companies among
the Fortune 500.
The Skull & Bones law firms are:
o Lord Day Lord
o Davis Polk Wardwell
o Simpson Thacher Bartlett
o Debevoise Pli,npton Lyons & Gates
o Cravath Swaine & Moore
o Covington & Burling
o Dewey Ballantine Palmer & Woods
o Milbank Tweed Hadley & McCloy.
In addition to their corporate clientele and their direct involvement in
government through the frequent appointment of partners to Cabinet posts,
these firms also specialize in handling the personal financial affairs and
investment portfolios of the leading WASP families. In this respect, the Skull
& Bones-centered WASP Establishment imitates the Venetian model. During'the
height of power of Venice, which was the trading capital of the Byzantine
Empire, the leading families used their personal wealth to establish insurance
companies, family funds and cultural programs through which they extended
their political power.
Today, the prominent law firms listed above play a speclialrole in
directing the affairs of the leading tax-exempt foundations which shape the
culture and public opinion of the United States and many foreign countries. We
have already-seen that McGeorge Bundy, a leading Bonesman, left his position
as National Security Adviser to President Lyndon Johnson in 1966 assume the
presidency of the Ford Foundation. During the nearly two decades that
Bundy'spent directing the $3 billion tax-exempt fund, he arguably wielded more
power than he did during his six years as the National Security Adviser to two
presidents. Under the Bundy reign the Ford Foundation spent hundreds'of
millions of dollars to launch the environmentalist' movement and funded scores
of projects devoted to population reduction in the Third World.
From its early decades, the Order has concentrated much of its efforts
at establishing, controlling and, in some instances, capturing the major tax-
exempt philanthropic foundations of America. The Russell Sage Foundation,
which specializes in "social control" programs, was founded by Bonesmen. Among
the leading functions of the Russell Sage Foundation today is the maintaining
of a centralized tracking of the finances of all the large tax-exempt
foundations in the United States. The Peabody Foundation, the Slater
Foundation and several of the Rockefeller foundations were all either started
by members of the Order or haw been dominated by Bonesmen from their
inception. Other major family funds, like the Ford Foundation and the Carnegie
Endowment, were wrestled from family control by the Skull & Bones apparatus.
During the tenure of McGeorge Bundy, two members of the Ford family resigned
from the Ford Foundation in disgust over the direction in which Bundy had
taken the philanthropic agency.
THE NEW WORLD ORDER
Between 1983-1986, the British-born conspiracy theorist Antony Sutton
wrote a series of pamphlets about the Order of Skull & Bones. According to
informed sources, Sutton was one of several historians who were provided with
a large file of the Order's internal documents, including minutes of some
meetings, descriptions of rituals, and what would appear to be a rather
complete list of its members from its founding through to the early 1980s. The
short pamphlets were compiled into one volume and published as a book in 1986.
For someone closely following the just-concluded Persian Gulf War and
attempting to gain some insight into George Bush's performance during that
largely orchestrated affair, one recurring theme in the Sutton volume stands
out like a sore thumb: the New World Order.
According to the Skull & Bones documents used by Sutton in his somewhat
flawed profile of the Order, the creation of a New World Order is a primary
goal of the Bonesmen and has been for decades. For the initiates into the
Order, the term New World Order has a very specific meaning.
It is a world dominated by American military power and American control
over all strategic raw materials. Just as the Greek city-state of Sparta
provided the Skull & Bones with the image of a WASP warrior caste, the
Persiain Empire, with its system of coalitions of satrap armies, provides the
model for the Bonesmen's New World Order. The image of Secretary of State
James A. Baker III traveling from foreign capital to foreign capital-demanding
military legions or chests of gold to finance the war for a New World Order is
an image straight out of the chronicles of the Persian Empire.
According to the recent biography of Henry Stimson, the man who inspired
President Bush was firmly convinced, that it was essential for America to go
to war once every generation or so. It was, for Stimson, a spiritually
cleansing process which enables the nation to rally behind a cause and
overcome its weaknesses and shortcomings in one grand burst of military
fervor. The romantic mystique of the purgative powers of combat is key to
understanding the politcal philosophy of Skull & Bones.
Although America's Vietnam debacle remains a bitter memory of the
Bonesmen's failure in war, the recent Persian Gulf conflict, with its massive
overkill and the use of highly advanced weapons and technologies, is now the
new glorious symbol of the WASP warrior caste's reincarnation. When President
Bush vowed that the Gulf War would not be another Vietnam," he was speaking
first and foremost to his fellow Bonesmen—not to the American people..If such
thinking smacks of dangerous fantasy on the part of a major world power in
the modern era, it is indeed.
On a more practical political level, the Gulf War was a gambit to save
the Bush presidency from a mountinng pile of domestic financial woes, not the
least of which was the savings andloan (S&L) crisis and a pending series of
failures of major
commercial banks. In the months preceding the gulf showdown, the prsident's
own son, Neil Bush, came under intense media scrutiny for his role in the
failure of a large
S&L in Colorado. Neil's photograph, testifying under oath before a
congressional committee probing fraud among top S&L manager's, became a
familiar front-page feature in every major newspaper in America, threatening
dangerous popular disillusion with the Yale Bonesman in the White House.
With a U.S. federal government deficit projected at nearly a half a trillion
dollars for Fiscal Year 1991, in large part because of the S&L crisis and a
shrinking business tax base, the Democratic Party majority in the U S
Congress was pressing for deep cutbacks in defense spending now that the Cold
War had ended.
On the international stage, the reunification of Germany, clearly the
most dramatic event of 1990, posed new challenges to the Bush team. Germany
was about to emerge as the dominant power in continental Europe by virtue of
its advanced industrial infrastructure and its long tradition of independent
political dealings with Moscow. Just months before the outbreak of the gulf
crisis, Germany's Chancellor Helmut Kohl had met with Soviet President Mikhail
Gorbachev and signed a long term economic assistance pact. As a result,
Gorbachev dropped all remaining objections to the immediate reunification of
Germany.
At that point, the Bush administration changed its tactics. Previously,
in sharp contrast to the Thatcher government in Great Britain, it had been
nominally in favor of German reunification. But at the Houston economic summit
of the Group of Seven Industrialized Countries in the summer of 1990, the
United States blocked (with Britain) Germany's plan of unconditional economic
aid to the Soviet Union. President Bush took the position that the Soviet
Union must submit to International Monetary Fund requisites as a precondition
for any substantive economic assistance
In the Far East, Japan's continuing growth in manufacturing also posed a
threat to Washington's desire to retain superpower status If President Bush
and his Bonesmen coterie were unaware of a stunning historical analogy, their
British "cousins" were quick to pick up on the parallels between the global
strategic situation in July 1990 and the identical intemational situation that
existed 100 years earlier.
In the 1890s, France, under the brilliant political leadership of
Foreign Minister Gabriel Hanataux, was attempting to forge a Eurasian alliance
with Germany, Russia and Meiji Japan. The idea was to-link continental Europe
with Japan and China through a series of large overland infrastructure
projects, beginning with the Trans-Siberian Railroad. Through treaties
covering key areas of economic and security matters, Hanataux hoped to create
a zone of prosperity, built on a foundation of rapid economic growth and
extensive trade.
Such a politlcal-economic common interest alliance threatened the
imperial hegemony of Great Britain. At the turn of the 20th century, Britian
looked to the United States (as its English-speaking ally) to join in
sabotaging the Hanataux plan. Through the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the
Russo-Japanese War of1905, Britain and her American junior partner (by then
led by Henry Stimson's old mentor Teddy Roosevelt) managed to disrupt the
French-German-Russian-Japanese econornic axis. Two world wars and the Great
Depression were the consequences of that interference.
THE PERSIAN GULF WAR
It was against this historical backdrop that President Bush, invoking the
World War II imagery of his Skull & Bones idol Henry Stimson, went to war
against Iraq. There is even speculation that President Bush was personally
instrumental in luring Saddam Hussein into invading Kuwait, thereby, provoking
the American-led military response. Many news accounts have emphasized that a
two-hour private meeting between the president and Margaret Thatcher in the
Aspen, Colorado vacation chalet of U.S. Ambassador Henry Catto on August 2,
1990 helped finalize Bush's decision to immediately deploy military force.
Recently, an astute Japanese analyst drew a disturbing parallel between
Bush and FDR, who was gready influenced by Stimson. According to the wtiter,
FDR lured Japan into World War II through an intricate series of economic
warfare maneuvers which left Japan with little choice but to strike-back. In
much the same way, said the analyst, Bush had lured Saddam Hussein into Kuwait
in order to launch a new Gulf War that would have consequences reaching far
beyond Iraq and the Middle East.
As a result of the military victory over Iraq, the United States is in
the process of establishing a string of permanent military bases throughout
the Persian Gulf and Near East. The oil sheikdoms of the region, led by Saudi
Arabia, are now thoroughly dependent on the American military presence to
ensure the survival of their regimes. The Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries:(OPEC) is effectively captured by Washington. American bankers aided
by U.S. gunboats now are setting world oil prices. Thus, one consequence of
the Persian Gulf War is that the United States now has an oil weapon—pointed
principally at Germany and Japan. Ironically, America's two chief economic
rivals have paid out a total of $27 billion to date to help finance a Bush
administration military adventure which put the oil weapon in Washington's
hand.
Another telling example of how the Order's man in the Oval Office
intends to administer a crmubling U.S. domestic economy while imposing the New
World Order on the rest of the world is to be found in the recent buyout of
the majority of stock in Citicorp, the largest U.S. commercial bank, by Saudi
Prince Talal bin Abdul Aziz. Citicorp is one of the major American commercial
banks on the verge of collapse, but which is considered by the Bush
administration and the Federal Reserve System to be "too big to fall." The
stock purchase amounted to a Saudi Royal Family bail-out of Citicorp, using
the increased profits being enjoyed by the House of Saud as a result of the
massive jump in Saudi oil production since the beginning of ~he gulf cnsis in
August 1990.
There points up a striking difference between the role of the United
States in World War II and the Bush administration's handling to date of the
Middle East crisis. During World War II, the United States went through a
genuine economic revival. Skull & Bones historian Samuel Huntington described
it as a "neo Hamiltonian" policy, a reference to the first United States
Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton. Beginning in 1939, America
became a major supplier of military and industrial goods under the Lend-Lease
program to the European states fighting Hitler. At the same time, the federal
government began issuing low interest credits to revive the nation's
manufacturing base which had been gutted by a decade of economic depression.
The industrial buildup accelerated once the United States formally entered
.World War II, leading to the establishing of entirely new industrial sectors,
such as aerospace and petrochemicals.
This time around—at least to date—there has been no such marshaling of
the U.S. domestic industrial base. Despite moderate increases in the
production of certain high-tech weapons systems, the U.S. economy continues
its gradual slide into what could be a new depression. Unemployment is greater
than at any point in the last decade. Some sociologists fear that the complete
disintegration of America's urban centers could produce new race-riots as
early as the summer of1991.
The single greatest challenge to George Bush and the.Order is: Can they
capitalize on-the current revival of the American spirit to reverse
the..disastrous post industrial society dogmas, and launch their own version
of the World WarII neo Hamiltonian industrial recovery? So far, some
doomsayers claim, it appears that Bush and his administratlon plan instead to
direct their.efforts at looting and blackmailing the rest of the
world—especially the gulf oil sheikdoms, Japan and Germany—into bailing out
the bankrupt U.S. financial houses and federal government and financing the
posting of American-led foreign legions at every corner of the globe where
there are large deposits of strategic raw materials. If this policy is not
altered, George Bush may soon find himself presiding over a new disaster that
will make the Vietnam debacle appear insignificant in comparison.
The politics of the New World Order appear to be borrowed largely from the
pages of the decline and fall of the British Empire. Political columnist
Patrick Buchanan, an early vocal opponent of the Bush Persian Gulf strategy,
warned as early as August 1990 that the White House was falling into the trap
of British "balance of power" politics, the very politics that left Great
Britain on the scrap heap of world powers at the close of World War II, and
put Winston Churchill, the architect of World War II and the Cold War, out of
a job.
Since the crushing military defeat of Iraq by a technologically far
superior American-led coalition, the Bush administration has vacillated on a
postwar policy - for the region. It has pursued a pragmatic power balancing
game which is rife with potential problems. The two key elements of the
American balance-of-power politics in the region are the preservation of a
weakened but territorialy whole Iraq to offset the other would-be regional-
powers Iran and Syria. At the-same time, it is tilting toward a nominally more
"pro-Arab" position with regard to the Arab-Israeli conflict,
While the harsh reparations terms being imposed upon a war-devastated
Iraq, are probably, in the mind of Bush, aimed at dissuading any future
regional military power from launching-cross-border aggressions, they amount
to the slow, excruciating extermination of the population of that country.
As one seasoned observer noted recently,ea rlier air wars had caused greater
immediate losses of life, due to the inaccuracy of bombs and rockets but had
generally left basic
infrastructures intact. The precision bombing of Iraq's entire infrastructure
has caused what a United Nations team has called an-"apocalypse."The greater
loss of life, will occur in the aftermath of the combat as a country with 16
million inhabitants is suddenly thrown into a "pre-industial" state with no
electricity, no water or other necessities. American humanitarian aid,
administered by occupying troops will not
offset this apocalypse-especially if harsh war reparations and asset seizures
deprive Iraq of the financial resources needed to begin a rebuilding process.
Regardless of the fact that the United States has not thrown the full
weight of its military presence behind the overthrow of the Saddam Hussein
regime, the shortsightedness of the present Bush policy may very well lead to
a Lebanon-type protracted civil war in Iraq. Such a war could potentially
spread throughout the region.
IMPLICATIONS FOR JAPAN
Throughout this short study of the Order of Skull & Bones, emphasis has
been placed on the philosophy, the rituals and the modus operandi of the
Bonesmen who have devoted their post-Yale careers to world politics. This
particular emphasis was chosen in order to provide the Japanese reader with an
insight into how the Bush presidency views the rest of the world, so that it
will be possible for Japan to better understand what it faces in the post-
Persian Gulf War strategic environment.
The implications of Skull & Bones domination over American policymaking
under the Bush presidency are enormous. Japan must be prepared to meet what
amounts to a fundamentally new challenge. Few of the postwar experiences in
U.S. Japanese relations will have prepared the Japanese government and the
leaders of Japanese industry and finance for-what they now face.
In the recent past, the policy of Washington toward Japan has been
simply to use political leverage, mostly related to Japan's regional security
concerns, to exact compromises and concessions in the economic and financial
sphere. But the United States, under its policy of free trade, privatization
of the monetary and credit mechanisms, and the transition to post-industrial
service-oriented forms of economic activity at home has suffered a gradual but
steady decline over the past 20 to 30 years. Japan, meanwhile, has prospered
under a more protectionist and industry oriented policy.
In the past decade, Japan has been increasingly thrust into the role of
scapegoat for the decline of American prosperity, while at the same time
coming under mounting pressure to help finance the United States out of its
economic mess. The pressures upon Japan to bail out its postwar big brother
have caused tensions between Washington and Tokyo, but the Cold War had
provided a common security interest that generally offset the occasional rough
language.
Under the George Bush Skull & Bones regime at the White House all that
has changed. True to the Bonesmen's credo of constructive chaos and global
political domination by the WASP Establishment, the United States is now out
to dominate U.S.-Japanese relations with a degree of brutal frankness that
will fly in the face of all previous American sensitivities to Japan's honor.
Gone are the days of former U.S. Ambassador Michael Mansfield, who always
sought to maintain a public climate of friendship and cooperation between the
two nations even when behind the scenes he was taking the toughest of stands
on the most divisive issues.
Under the American-led New World Order, Japan can expect to be treated
with far less respect publicly. It can expect that the Bush administration,
including his coterie of former top CIA men now working directly out of the
Oval Office, will be constantly interfering, covertly in the internal affairs
of Nippon.
This shift in style has held sway since the Bush inauguration and the
subsequent appointment of Michael Armacost as U.S. Ambassador to Tokyo.
Armacost has assumed the posture of a Roman pro-consul, dictating policy to a
weak satrap, rather than to engage, in diplomatic dialogue. Armacost's
performance even before the recent events in the Persian Gulf reestablished
American military might as the defining factor in world affairs—should have
provided the Japanese leadership with a clue as to the shift under way in
Washington's new policy approach.
The Bush policy can best be described as a sophisticated containment
policy. The new approach to Pacific affairs was telegraphed in the early days
of the Bush administration when the president deployed three of his most
trusted senior spooks to three critical Asian diplomatic posts: Armacost was
sent to Tokyo; Bush's vice presidential national security aide and former
career CIA operator Donald Gregg was sent to Seoul; and John Lilly, another
career CIA man and a fellow Yale Skull & Bones member, was sent to Beijing.
The fact that three of the CIA's most experienced clandestine field operators
were assigned the senior diplomatic posts says a great deal about the Bush
administradon's intentions to conduct sophisticated political-warfare and sow
confusion among the three major nations of the Far East. Bush clearly intends
to pursue the historic Skull & Bones mission of extending America's dominion
over the entire Pacific region. The idea of even paying lip service to equal
partnership between Washington and Tokyo is over, at least for the time being.
The process of internally weakening Japan's resistance to this
overarching domination by Washington's New World Order began with the Recruit
scandal, when the Takeshita government was brought down through a
U.S.-inspired secret intelligence operation. One of the primary targets of
that operation was Yashuhiro Nakasone, the former prime minister and the
architect of Japan's post-1973 effort to develop independent ties to the oil-
producing Arab states of the Persian Gulf.
It is important to understand that Bush's WASP warriors, while adopting
a similar approach of non-compromise and domination over Israel and the
Zionist lobby inside the United States, will not hesitate to use the Jewish
lobby as an instrument for bashing Japan into line. Thus, Commerce Secretary
Robert Mosbacher went out of his way to encourage the Anti-Defamation League's
leadership convention, which he addressed last year, to join with the Bush
administration in pressuring Japan to submit to American free trade demands.
The Bush administration will at times encourage the Zionist lobby and
Israel to mercilessly attack Japan and will at other times severely criticize
Zionist "insensitivity" to Tokyo. This will all be part of the Bush strategy
to dominate the Pacific Rim by playing one country or faction off against
another, using hard cop-soft cop and other classic techniques of the
intelligence trade.
Japan will be offered a limited junior partner status in the New World
Order, while coming under mounting pressure to continue providing tribute to
finance the American imperium. Above all else, Japan will be forbidden from
developing any independent foreign policy toward its neighbors, the Soviet
Union, the Arab world or anyone else. Such programs as the Global
Infrastructure Fund, to the extent that they pose an alternative to the
U.S.-dominated international regime, will be vetoed.
As a subservient junior partner in the New World Order arrangement,
Japan's financial and economic muscle will be used as the piggy-bank for U.S.
imperial objectives. The $14 billion "contribution" to the U.S.-led Gulf-War
coalition was another benchmark in the transition in U.S.-Japanese reladons,
as was President Bush's abrupt cancellation of his long-sheduled state visit
to Tokyo. When the chairman of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) attempted to
visit Kuwait immediately after the gulf cease-fire in March l991, the U.S.
State Department refused to grant him permission to go into the American-
occupied-territory. These intentional diplomatic affronts should be understood
as telling signs of the new American-Japanese relationship.
On the other-hand, President Bush also suddenly scheduled a brief summit
with Japanese Prime Minister Kaifu in Newport Beach, California for April 4,
1991. One purpose of the sudden meeting was to lay out clear parameters of
acceptable behavior on the part of the Japanese government when the prime
minister meets later in April with Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev.
Japanese Soviet relations, like all other crucial Japanese ~foreign relations,
will be expected to conform with those of the U.S.
An essential blackmail "stick" that the Bush administration intends to
hold over Tokyo is-Japanese dependency on Persian Gulf oil. As-the result of
the Gulf War and the post war American military occupation of Kuwait, Saudi
Arabia and other-key oil-producing sheikdoms, the Bush administration will
exert unabashed control over world oil supplies- and prices. In the New World
Order, Japan's oil supply will be increasingly linked to concessions on a
range of monetary and economic issues, including the Global Agreements on
Trade and Tariffs (GATT) talks, which broke up last year as the result of
largely Japanese and continental European resistance to the pure free-trade
system sought by Bush and Thatcher. Assistant Treasury Secretary David
Mulford, a former senior official at White Weld Securities, Inc. which
restructured Saudi Arabia's entire financial apparatus, has recently announced
that he will seek to prosecute Japan for its violations of the GATT
regulations that call upon Tokyo to surrender government control over interest
rate policies to the international banking community.
The Bush presidency, with its ambitious drive for domination over former
friends and foes alike, poses an unprecedented challenge to Japan. While this
is neither the time nor the place to offer a solution to the growing dilemma,
the profile of the men of Skull & Bones in this white paper should provide the
Japanese reader with helpful insights into the nature of the American WASP
warrior class and the secret society which spawned it.
Bibliography
"Bush Boy's Club: Skull and Bones." Covert Information Action Bulletin,
Winter, 1990.
Halberstam, David. The Best and the Brightest. Random House, New York, 1969.
Hodgson, Godfrey. The Colonel: The Life and Wars of Henry Stimson. Afred
Knopf, New York, 1990.
Isaacson, Walter and Evan Thomas. The Wisemen: Six Friends and the World They
Made. Simon and Schuster, New York, l986.
"Membership List of All Skull and Bones Members From 1833-1950." The Russell
Trust Association, New Haven, Conn., 1949.
Ranleagh, John. The Agency: The Rise and Decline of the CIA. Simon and
Schuster, New York, 1986.
Rosenbaum, Ron. "Skull and Bones: An Elegy for Mumbo Jumbo." Esquire Magazine,
September, 1977.
"Skull and Bones: A Short History." Excecutive Intelligence Review, January
30, 1980.
Stimson, Henry and McGcorge Bundy. In Active Service in Peace and War. Octagon
Press, New York, 1949
Sutton, Antony C. America's Secret Establishrnent: An Introduction to the
Order of Skull and Bones. Liberty Press, Billings, Mont., 1986.
Winks, Robin. Cloak and Gown Scholars in the Secret War William Morrow, New
York, 1987.
Some Prominent Members of Skull & Bones
William F. Buckley, Jr. (Bones Class of 1950) Founder of National Review, the
leading conservative magazine in the United States. Brother James (Skull &
Bones l944) is now a member of the U.S. Court of Appeals. William F. Buckley,
Jr., former CIA officer in Mexico, also built the political grassroots
conservative movement in the U.S. in the 1960s. President Bush and Buckley
have recently split over Buckley's strong pro-lsraelism.
McGeorge Bundy (Skull & Bones initiate of 1940) Scion of the Skull & Bones
Bundy family. Father Harvey H. Bundy was Skull & Bones, as was brother William
P. Bundy. McGeorge served in the War Department during World War II as Henry
Stimson's assistant and later became the Nalional Security Adviser to
President Kennedy. William Bundy became a CIA official and later served in key
positions at the Departments of State and Defense. McGeorge headed the Ford
Foundation (1968-1980) and William chaired the Council on Foreign Relations
(1972-1983).
George Bush (initiated in 1948) President of the United States. Comes from a
complete Bones family. Father Prescott, a Bones initiate of the class of 1917.
Uncle George Herbert Walker, Bones Class of 1927. U S Federal District Court
Judge John Walker is also a relative and a Bonesman.
Alfred Cowles (Class of 1913): Built the Cowles Communication empire based on
the Des Moines (lowa) Register and the Minneapolis (Minnesota) Star and
Tribune. These two newspapers play a significant role in shaping the early
presidential primaries, especially in Iowa.
Hugh Cunningham (Bones 1934); CIA man from 1947 to 1973. He served in top
positions in the Clandestine Services, the Board of National Estimates and
later as Director of Training.
Thomas Daniels (initiated in 1914) founder of the largest agro-business and
grain cartel company in Minnesota—Archer-Daniels-Midland (ADM) Served in the
Foreign Service and later during World War II as head of the Fats and Oils
Section of the War Produclion Board. ADM Corporation's new head Dwayne Andreas
is one of the most powerful figures in U.S.-Soviet trade relations. Daniels's
only son, John (Bones 1943), also works in ADM. The bank which underwrites ADM
stock issues is the Morgan Stanley investment bank
Richard Ely Danielson (Skull & Bones 1907) Past publisher of the Atlanric
Monthly magazine, one of the leading magazines for seeing which policy line on
a variety of issues is coming out of the Eastern Establishment.
Russell Wheeler Davenport (initiated in 1923); Fortune magazine writer and
editor, made this magazine the leading authority on financial matters in the
United States. Davenport created the Fortune 500 companies list.
Henry P. Davison (Bones Class of l920): Key senior partner in the Morgan
banking and financial trust networks. His fellow Bonesman Harold Stanley
(1908) founded the investment bank Morgan Stanley. Davison and his family
helped set up the Guaranty Trust Corporation which became Morgan Guaranty
Thomas Cochran (1904 Bonesman) was one of the most powerful partners in the
Morgan bank. The influence of the Mgrgan banking system can be seen in its
relationship with the hierarchy of U.S. intelligence. The head of the Office
of Strategic Services, Gen. William Donovan, worked as a Morgan intelligence
operative in thc 1920s and prepared the intelligence reports for the Morgan
banking concerns on developments in Europe. F. Trubee Davison became CIA
Director of Personnel in 1951 and placed key Bonesmen in the right positions
inside the CIA.
Averell Harriman (1913 initiate). Scion of the Harriman railroad family. His
brother Roland (Skull & Bones 1917) ran the investment bank Brown Brothers
Harriman. Averell was one of the most powerful members of the Skull & Bones
fralernity, His government posts ranged from Ambassador to Russia during World
War II and various State Department positions to chief negotiator on the
Vietnam Talks. Confidential adviser to Presidents Roosevelt, Truman, Kennedy,
Johnson and later Nixon and Carter. His investment banking firm is virtually a
Skull & Bones bank—nine senior partners are from Skull & Bones. President
Bush's father worked in Brown Brothers Harriman after helping to merge several
companies in the Unitd Rubber Corporation of America.
Winston Lord (Bones Class of 1959): Chairmah of the Council on Foreign
Relations (1983-l988). Former State Department official and CIA officer in
Asia. China expert. Six members of the Lord family were Skull & Bones,
including Charles Edwin Lord, former Comptroller of the Currency, Department
of the Treasury. Oswald Bates Lord (Skull & Bones l926) married Mary Pillsbury
of the Minnesota based Pillsbury Flour Corporation. Winston Lord is their son.
Robert A. Lovett (1918 initiate): Put together the Brown Brothers Harriman
merger and later organized the aviation industry mobilization for World War
II. Became part of the most exclusive power group in World War II under Henry
Stimson. Lovett was one of the five or six most powerful men in the United
States for nearly 40 years until his death in 1986.
Henry Luce (initiated in 1920): Built the Time-Life publishing empire. Became
the leading publicist of the "American century" doctrine
Dino Pionzio (Bones Class of 1950): CIA deputy chief of station in Chile
during the overthrow of Chilean President Salvador Allende. Now works at the
investment firm Dillion Read.
Alphonso Taft (initiated in 1833): Secretary of War (1876), Attorney General
(1876-1877) and later Minister to Austria and Russia. Co-founder of Skull &
Bones.
Robert A. Taft (1910 initiate); Speaker of the House of Representatives
(1921-1926) and Senator (R-Ohio). Leader of the Isolationist movement in the
1930s. His son Robert A. Taft, Jr., also senator from Ohio, led the right-wing
of the Republican Party in the 1950s and 1960s. Robert A. Taft, Jr., however,
was the only member of the Taft family who was not Skull & Bones.
William H. Taft (Skull & Bones 1878): President of the United Statcs
(1908-1912) and appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (1921-1930).
Secretary of War (1904-1908). Trustee, Carnegie Institution. Part of the long
line of Tafts who served in the U.S. government.
William Collins Whitney (initiated 1863): Secretary of the Navy (1885-1889).
Promoter of the Naval Shipyards and financier. Part of the Whitney family
which sent eight of its members to Yale to become Skull & Bonesmen. Family
intermarried with the Payne, Harriman and Vanderbilt clans. The Whitneys
became some of Wall Street's most powerful financiers through the Guaranty and
Knickerbocker Trust Companies.
Current U.S. senators who are Skull & Bones members;
Sen. Jonathan Bingham (D-N.M.).
Sen. David Boren (D-Okla.) is chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee.
Sen. John Chafee (R-R.I.); Former Navy Secretary and on the Senate
Intelligenee Committee.
Sen. John Heinz (R-Pa.): Recently killed in an airplane crash. was a Bonesman
as was his father. The Heinz farnily has one of the largest food-producing
companies in the world.
Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.): Formerly on the Senate Intelligence Committee,
Kerry is now on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
Selected Quotations
o During the Cuban missile crisis in October 1962, two Skull & Bones
advisers to President Kennedy, McGeorge Bundy and Robert Lovett, met in the
west wing of the White House to discuss strategy. According to author Godfrey
Hodgson, there was a photograph of master Bonesman Henry L. Stimson, their
mentor, on Lundy's desk. "All during the conversation the old Colonel seemed
to be staring me straight in the face," recalled Lovett. Finally, he said to
Bundy, "Mac, I think the best service we can perform for the president is to
try to approach this as Colonel Stimson would."
o At the Potsdam summit in 1946 when President Truman first met Soviet
dictator Josef Stalin, Stimson told the president: "The chief lesson I have
learned in a long life is that the only way to make a man trustworthy is to
trust him."
o Commenting on the plan of Robert Morgenthau, President Franklin D.
Roosevelt's Treasury Secretary, to deindustrialize Germany after World War II,
Stimson wrote: ". . . just such a crime as the Germans themselves hoped to
perpetrate on their victims . . . a crime against civilization itself?" He
added rather ironically that the plan was like "a beautiful Nazi program! This
is to laugh!"
o "They possessed a common background, common experience, and a common
liking for old wines, proper English and Savile Row clothing," wrote the
biographer of former U.S. Ambassador to Japan Joseph Grew. A top level
diplomat and State Department powerhouse during the first half of the 20th
century, Bonesman Hugh Wilson adds, "The Foreign Service [is] a pretty good
club."
o "These men helped establish a distinguished network connecting Wall
Street, Washington, worthy foundations and proper clubs," wrote historian and
former JFK aide Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. "The New York financial and legal
community was the heart of the American Establishment. Its household deities
were Henry L. Stimson and Elihu Root; its present leaders, Robert A. Lovett
and John J. McCloy; its front organizations, the Rockefeller, Ford and
Carnegie foundations and the Council on Foreign Relations."
o Brtiish author Godfrey Hodgson stated in an essay on the American
Establishment that it was "characteristic of these men to take on the burdens
of world power with a certain avidity . . . It reflected a grim but grand duty
that was a legacy from half-buried layer of New England Puritanism."
o Averell Harriman's father, owner of the largest railroad company in
the United States at the turn of the century, told his son: "Great wealth is
an obligation and responsibility. Money must work for the country."
o "I scoffed at Harvard's Porcellian club. It was too smug. But to get
into Bones, you had to do something for Yale, wrote Averell Harriman. He would
frequently retum to the "Tomb on High Street." During the Paris Peace
Conference on the Vietnam War, Harriman was quite upset about not being able
to attend a "Bones Reunion." In the book The Wise Men, Harriman is described
as willing to talk openly about national security affairs, but "he refused,
however, to tell [even] his family anything about Bones . . . so complete was
his trust in Bones's code of secrecy . . ."
o Stimson during the liberation of France in 1944 wrote about the need
for France's reconstruction following the Nazi occupation of France: "America
cannot supervise the elections of a great country like France. Consequently,
we must eventually leave the execution of the State Department formula to the
French themselves . . . where we ourselves will assume responsibility in part
or more for its execution according to Anglo-Saxon ideals."
o Stimson on Austria and Germany following World War II: "They [the
British] haven't any grasp apparently of the underlying need of proper
economic arrangements to make peace stick . . . If they restore Austria to her
position in which she was left by the Versailles arrangement 25 years ago, why
they would reduce her to a non-self-sustaining state [is beyond me] . . .
Central Europe after the war has got to eat. She has got to be free of tariffs
in order to eat."
o Stimson was "opposed to a Carthaginian Peace" in which Germany was
reduced to a non functioning society. He wrote, "The Ruhr and Saarland . . .
[must not] be turned into a second rate industrial land . . . regardless of
what it means to Germany . . . [rather] to the welfare of the entire continent
"
o In 1948, the debate within the U.S. government over the creation of
the state of Israel was reaching critical intensity. President Truman was the
"dark horse" candidate to defeat the Republican nominee, Thomas Dewey. Truman
thought he needed the Jewish goups to mobilize in his support in order to get
elected. He also believed that after so many years of suffering and
persecution, the Jews deserved a homeland of their own. However, his most
trusted foreign policy advisers, George Marshall, Dean Acheson and Robert
Lovett, were, according to the book The Wise Men, "all dead set against the
birth of Israel . . . However humanitarian a Jewish homeland might seem . . .
it posed a real risk to U.N. national security. It was absolutely vital that
the U.S. maintain its pipeline to Mideast oil. Supporting tne Zionist cause
would only antagonize the Arabs." Lovett said, "Israel was one ally too many "
o On Japan, Stimson and McGeorge Bundy wrote their book On Active
Service in Peace and War: "Since 1937, when the Japanese attacked China,
Stimson had been urging, as a private citizen, an embargo on all American
trade with Japan, and this attitude he carried with him into the Cabinet [when
he became Secretary of War]." Stimson prepared a memorandum in 1940 pointing
out how Japan had yielded before American firmness, in her withdrawal from
Shantung and Siberia in 1919 and her acceptance of naval inferiority in 1921.
"Japan," Stimson wrote, "has historically shown that she can misinterpret a
pacifistic policy of the United States for weakness. She has also historically
shown that when the United States indicates by clear language and bold actions
that she intends to carry out a clear and afflrmative policy in the Far East,
Japan will yield to that policy even though it conflicts with her own Asiatic
policy and conceived interests. For the United States now to indicate either
by soft words or inconsistent actions that she has no such clear and definite
policy towards the Far East will only encourage Japan to bolder action."
o On December 7, 1941, Stimson wrote in his diary: "When the news first
came that Japan had attacked us, my first feeling was of relief that the
indecision was over and that crisis had come in a way which would unite all
our people. This continued to be my dominant feeling in spite of the news of
catastrophes which quickly developed. For I feel that this country united has
practically nothing to fear, while the apathy and division stirred by
unpatriotic men have been hitherto very discouraging."
o On the decision to drop the atomic bomb on Hiroshima, Stimson wrote in
an article for Harper's Weekly in 1947: "My chief purpose was to end the war
in victory with the least possible cost in the lives of men in the armies
which I had helped to raise. In the light that no man, in our position and
subject to our responsibilities, holding in his hands a weapon of such
possibilides for accomplishing this purpose and saving those lives, could have
failed to use it and afterwards looked his countrymen in the face."
o At the Truman White House in the presence of Secretary of State James
Byrnes, Adm Leahy and Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal, according to his
biographer: "Stimson had argued consistently for a commitment to allow the
Japanese to keep their Emperor, not because- with the memory of Manchuria in
his mind—he had any special sympathy for him, but because only the Emperor
could persuade the Japanese to surrender and therefore save American lives."
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
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