-Caveat Lector-
>From Wash (DC) Post
Tragic Policy
By Thomas R. Hutson
Saturday, May 1, 1999; Page A15
Despite the predictably disastrous direction our policy has taken in the
Balkans, it is not too late to stop the carnage. Sadly, it is too late to
stop Slobodan Milosevic's despicable leadership of the Serbs into historical
oblivion.
In briefing NATO commander Gen. Wesley Clark on another subject some months
ago, I noted that Serbs pride themselves on a quality called "inat" --
defined by a Canadian diplomat as "an absence of pragmatism," a definition
that Clark wrote down. Given Clark's brilliance and intimate exposure to the
Serb leader, it is difficult for me to conceive that he thinks we can bomb
the Serbs into submission.
Also, given Secretary of State Madeleine Albright's roots in that part of
the world, it is hard for me to accept the tragic miscalculation attributed
to her that somehow Milosevic would cave in. I am troubled even more that my
country, whose Constitution grants the power of war-making to Congress,
would be leading NATO into an undeclared war -- if only to maintain the
credibility of Secretary Albright and/or NATO.
I also am shocked that our leaders and NATO's strongly espouse the certitude
that the Kosovar Albanians will be returned to their homeland. Having spent
the past year trying, with little success, to enable returns in northeastern
Bosnia and Herzegovina, I believe they are blowing smoke. The Serbs will not
let refugees back in any great number. We are not prepared and should not be
prepared to force such a return by the use of ground forces. And we cannot
continue much longer our immoral and immaculate aggression against a
sovereign nation without sanction of the United Nations.
What are the basics to which I advocate we return? Diplomacy, respect for
the U.S. Constitution, adherence to the Charter of the United Nations and
support for enlightened institutions in Serbia.
Diplomacy: Whether we like it or not, the Russians and perhaps the Chinese
hold the key to resolving the present impasse. No doubt we have been trying
to use their influence. We have no choice but to try again, and again, and
again. Abba Eban once wrote: "Diplomacy should be judged by what it
prevents, not only by what it initiates and creates. Much of it is a holding
action designed to avoid explosion until the unifying forces of history take
humanity into their embrace." For my part, I will take a holding action over
an explosion any day.
Respect for the U.S. Constitution: We should have learned by now that we
cannot fight a war without the complete support of the American people. That
support is reflected -- or not reflected -- by a congressional declaration
of war, not by some other mechanism that allows Congress to halfheartedly
extend support and then carp from the sidelines. Although my son is a
professional in the U.S. Navy and went willingly to the Gulf War, I do not
want him to go to another war without a constitutionally declared mandate.
Nothing mealy-mouthed -- a clear declaration. Absent that, we must stop the
bombing and try other means.
Adherence to the Charter of the United Nations: Not an easy solution, but
one that is essential if, as a nation, we are to be credible in our claimed
reverence for the rule of law. Having worked closely with international
organizations in recent years, I have no illusions about what they can and
cannot do. Certainly they cannot do anything quickly. Certainly they could
not stop the Serb "cleansing" of Kosovo. Nor could they stop the Croat
cleansing of the Krajina in 1995, in which U.S. complicity was as
ill-advised as is our present bombing of Yugoslavia. But the United Nations,
warts and all, is the only institution we have to ameliorate, if not
prevent, such catastrophes. The United States cannot do it alone nor with
the support of only 19 members of the European alliance.
Support for enlightened institutions in Serbia: In 1995 I urged Madeleine
Albright, Richard Holbrooke and Leon Fuerth to consider using the
institution of a constitutional monarchy as a mechanism to move the Serbs
from support of Milosevic to more enlightened leadership. My belief that
Prince Alexander Karadjordjevic could play a role in such a transition was
pooh-poohed. I still think this man and the monarchy can play a role, even
though our bombing has united the Serbs behind Milosevic, so much so that
any movement away from Milosevic or toward any other Serb leader is now
almost unthinkable.
There are no quick fixes to this problem. Nor is it subject to resolution by
the technological behemoth of our war machine. We must adhere to the basic
rules of a civilized world order. We must return to them now. If not, the
America that I proudly represented abroad -- no matter how modestly -- for
the past three decades is diminished beyond my worst fears.
The writer, a foreign service officer for 32 years, spent eight years in the
former Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia.
© Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company
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