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FRANCE: U.S. Accused of 'Promis' Information Warfare Program

Brussels LE VIF/L'EXPRESS in French, 9 May 97 pp  74-82
[Interview with Fabrizio Calvi and Thierry Pfister, authors of
book L'Oeil de Washington (The Eye of Washington), by Denis
Jeambar and Yves Stavrides; place and date not given: "Espionage:
How Washington Booby-Trapped All the World's Computers"]

[Translated Text] How far can a government go?  Democracies have
settled that issue of the desire for power in principle: The
state of law, situated at the heart of their institutional
mechanisms, forms their boundaries. But that framework is in fact
more virtual than real, and laws or treaties are very fragile
barriers when it comes to containing the appetite for conquest.
All democracies have their shadowy areas known as the secret
police or as espionage networks. Those instruments for protecting
national interests are also weapons of conquest. All states
use them, but then again, might makes right. L'Oeil de
Washington (The Eye of Washington) by Fabrizio Calvi and Thierry
Pfister, soon to be published by the Albin Michel Publishing
House, is an almost incredible illustration of that. Following an
unusually rigorous investigation, the two journalists reveal how
the United States penetrated and booby-trapped the computer
systems of its enemies and allies. This unprecedented espionage
operation, suddenly revealed in this flabbergasting book, shows
that the democratic ideal remains a very weak rampart against the
will to dominate.

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] Spies by the dozen, crooked politicians, games
of consequences, bizarre suicides, arms merchants, drug
traffickers, and all of it on a global scale! There is a shock
right at the start: The U.S. and Israeli intelligence services
reportedly have been booby-trapping all of the world's computer
systems since the 1980's! After reading your book, one wonders if
one might have been dreaming.

[Answer] The story seems incredible, but it is true. It is backed
by two investigating committees in the United States: the one in
the House of Representatives and the one in the Senate. By three
trials. By proof. By statements by the participants, although
they are not necessarily presentable--that is typical of secret
operations of this kind. The Inslaw case is a taboo subject, with
its load of disinformation and with its gray areas, unverifiable
statements, and ghosts. We had to clean things up. Because it is
a shameful affair. The manipulators and especially the
manipulated cannot be proud of it. In THE NEW YORK TIMES on
21 April 1991, an honest man whose integrity is beyond dispute
and who--for good reason--had access to the CIA published a
fantastic article titled "A High-Tech Watergate." That man knows
what he is talking about. He is Elliot Richardson, a former
attorney general under Richard Nixon, and at the time he refused
to cover up the Watergate scandal and resigned in a blaze of
publicity. Today Richardson is the attorney for the victim in
that crazy story: Bill Hamilton, owner of the Inslaw computer
company.

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] In his case, everything started with
an ordinary industrial property lawsuit.

[Answer] Exactly. Hamilton is a former agent of the National
Security Agency (NSA). The NSA, based at Fort Meade, Maryland, is
the electronic wiretapping center of the planet. Trained as an
engineer, Hamilton worked for the NSA in Vietnam. He left the NSA
and started his company in the early 1970's. That was before the
era of minicomputers.  Microcomputers had not yet appeared. To
combat crime, the Justice Department--like the CIA and the
FBI--was dreaming of a software package that would make
incompatible things compatible. Every prosecutor's office had its
own data, files, and day-to-day operations. In plain language,
was it possible to devise software that would interconnect all
the prosecutors' offices and all their files and data? The
department then issued a call for tenders and launched a
program to finance the project. So, using public money, Bill
Hamilton developed software known as Promis. There were
fantastic breakthroughs in computers in the late 1970's and
early 1980's, as computers went from eight to 16 bits--bits
being a reflection of the power of the machines: their speed
of execution.

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] That did not prevent Carter from halting the
program.

[Answer] True. When Reagan arrived at the White House in 1980,
the program had been halted. But using private funds--and that is
another ambiguous aspect of the affair--Hamilton developed a
32-bit version using a Vax VMS computer. His improved software,
Promis, then became a miraculous object. From one state to
another and from one country to another, it could read utility
bills, check up on financial flows in and out of bank accounts,
and track people as they entered and left territories. It could
do everything! It could learn everything about anyone! Hamilton
got the contract to equip U.S. prosecutors' offices. Price:
$3 billion!

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] And then his troubles began.

[Answer] The Justice Department did everything possible to kill
his company, Inslaw. To bring it to its knees. It quibbled, it
split hairs, and payments were delayed. It demanded that he hand
over the manufacturing secrets regarding Promis in its new Vax
VMS version. To get his money, he yielded in 1982 and gave the
Justice Department a copy of the 32-bit version. He still did not
get paid. He was accused of financing the "miracle" with public
money. It did him no good to deny it: He was pushed to
bankruptcy.  They sent the IRS after him, and he was dragged into
bankruptcy court. He did not understand what was happening.

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] Unknown to him, Promis would be sold all over
the planet. And the affair took on its dual dimension: wheeling
and dealing on one hand, and espionage on the other.

[Answer] We should note, first of all, that at the center of the
department's decisionmaking apparatus was Lowell Jensen,
Hamilton's competitor. Then a key figure appeared: Dr. Earl
Brian. A former CIA man in Vietnam, he was very close to Reagan,
whom he had served as secretary of health in California--and
incidentally, he took all the department's files with him when he
left. As financial backer of the Republican Party and owner of
the UPI agency, Brian picked up a good many government
contracts-- the infrared systems along the Mexican border, for
example-- thanks to his direct line to the new president. Brian
also owned a computer company called Hadron. And he controlled a
genius in the field, Michael Riconosciuto, a contract employee of
the CIA who had a weakness for drugs. That expert could--and
did--adapt the Promis software to suit the needs of potential
customers. The Canadian police were the first to place an order.
[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] But who in the department was behind that
piracy--that swindle?

[Answer] It is noted that Ed Meese, adviser to the White House
and an expert on Promis, the merits of which he had praised
publicly as early as 1981, was named attorney general. And Ed
Meese's wife owned stock in Earl Brian's holding company, which
controlled the Hadron firm. But the affair also concerned
--primarily--the White House Secret Service.

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] And the Israeli intelligence service
entered the fray. Who gave them Promis and why?

[Answer] Why? All one can do is guess. Israel was a privileged
partner of the United States and of the Reagan administration.
>From the moment that the--booby-trapped--software began to be
sold all over the world, it was clear that the Israelis would
have an easier time selling it to the "enemies" of the United
States and that the Americans would be able to sell it more
easily to Israel's "enemies."  That was why they were offered
Promis. To whom in particular? To a legend in the world of
intelligence, Rafi Eitan. It was he who had trapped Adolf
Eichmann in Buenos Aires on 11 May 1960. A loner. In 1982,
Minister of Defense Ariel Sharon put him in charge of the most
secret of Israeli intelligence services: Lakam (one of Lakam's
achievements was its stealing of the plans for the Mirage F1).
Rafi Eitan brought in a military intelligence ace who had
participated in the Entebbe raid and was an expert on terrorism
for Shamir: Ari Ben-Menashe. Rafi and Ari knew each other well.
They had worked together during the U.S. hostage crisis in
Tehran. And with whom? With the good Dr. Brian and his
henchman, Michael Riconosciuto--the man who had repaired the
computer systems sabotaged by the shah's men just before
they left. So those four were all back in the same family
again. They were the source of what was called the October
Surprise--that is, the failure to free the U.S. hostages
held in Iran in October 1980 even though everything appeared
to have been arranged. With millions of dollars and arms
deliveries to back them up, they negotiated with Tehran to
delay the release until after Carter's departure so that
Reagan would get credit for it in January 1981.

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] What role did Promis play in the Near East?

[Answer] To begin with, when the Intifada took off, Israel used
it to open files on the Palestinians living the occupied
territories. Next, one of Brian's teams sold it to Jordan. But
that software was booby-trapped. Everything that Jordanian
security had stored and did store regarding the Palestinians
ended up in the hands of the Americans and the Israelis.

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] And how was the product booby-trapped?

[Answer] Originally, it was a very makeshift job. A matter of
tinkering. The only thing necessary was to add a line of
code--buried in the ocean of lines in the software--to order the
machine to spit out the information to a telephone number in
Jordan: that of an apartment managed by Israeli intelligence.
Which downloaded the data from the computer. At first it was a
businessman--on his way to Vienna--who carried Jordanian
intelligence's listing in his attache case. Things later became
more sophisticated. A "smart chip"--the spy chip, the "emergency
exit"--was slipped into an ocean of completely identical
microchips.  Apparently the information becomes part of the
electric current, and from there a satellite picks up the
information and transmits it down to the NSA. What it meant was
that unless the computer were completely disassembled, it was
impossible to detect that damned chip.

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] Who were the next customers?

[Answer] There was Chile by way of the Israelis. Dina [National
Intelligence Directorate], the fearsome Chilean police, even
entrusted part of the management of Promis to a German sect
called Colonia Dignidad--made up of real Nazis.  In the case of
Guatemala and South Africa, Israel went through a third party:
the man who laundered the money from their arms sales--the late
Robert Maxwell, the fiendish press lord. It must be said that by
checking utility consumption, Promis makes it possible to know
whether a place is inhabited or not--whether it is a potential
hideout. In itself, the software is neutral. But it is a tool
that makes repression more effective. And makes it easier. The
civil war in Guatemala resulted in 20,000 dead.  Anyone whose
name was on file in Promis had a very good chance of winding up
in a grave. The same was true in South Africa. Intelligence
gathered regarding the ANC [African National Congress] was given
to Buthelezi's men, the Zulus in Inkatha--after which it was fire
at will!

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] Ari Ben-Menashe claims that Robert Maxwell
--whose handling agent he was--sold Promis to the Soviets.

[Answer] There are 20 pages on that subject in the FBI's files.
Twenty pages with everything blacked out except the words
"Maxwell," "Promis," and "Russians." In fact, the booby-trapped
software was sold to the GRU, the Soviet military intelligence
service. Meanwhile, the Israelis discovered that the Americans
were selling arms to Saddam Husayn. Speaking through Ben-Menashe,
Shamir warned the CIA: Either you stop, or we will denounce you
to the Russians.  The sales continued. And as if by chance, the
GRU's computers were mysteriously out of order for a week. It is
likely that the Soviets dismantled and dissected their machines.

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] Did the sales continue?

[Answer] Under the name of Promis or some other name, it was sold
to Egypt and Cyprus and throughout the Middle East. In Australia.
In Southeast Asia. To the World Bank. To two French banks: the
Credit Lyonnais and the BNP. To the Swiss banks, including the
UBS. Why spy on the banking system? Two reasons. First, to
protect the dollar and keep an eye on competing currencies. The
second reason dates back to 1981 and the fight against the
laundering of drug money.  That was the "Follow the Money"
operation launched by Reagan. In a different situation, this time
in France, one of our sources told us that the DGSE (the
intelligence service) had acquired Promis. Whatever the case, the
DST (the counterespionage agency) got its hands on the famous
microchip that downloads data from computers. In addition,
obviously, the software found room for all its applications
within the U.S. institutions themselves: from the CIA to the
FBI and from the Air Force to the Navy--the nuclear-powered
submarines and stealth bombers are equipped with them. Not
to mention the laboratories where nuclear tests are simulated.

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] To everyone's surprise, the Clintons are part
of the story!

[Answer] Jackson Stevens--Arkansas billionaire, financial backer
of the Democratic Party, and a friend and partner of the Clintons
in the Whitewater real estate scandal--sells (surprise) Promis
software! In short, he took up the torch from California
billionaire Earl Brian. Vince Foster, the White House attorney
who was linked with Stevens and even more so with the Clintons,
committed suicide on 20 July 1993. A few days earlier, he had
requested two files: one on the NSA and the other on Promis. His
secretary confirms this--it was she who opened them and put them
in the safe. They were never seen again. The safe had been
cleaned out.

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] And all of that at Hamilton's expense! What is
the situation with him now?

[Answer] At the first trial, the government was convicted of
having forced the Inslaw firm into bankruptcy by unfair
practices. The judge who handed down that ruling was not
reappointed. That is something rarely seen. He was replaced by
the lawyer who was defending the government's interests! That is
something never seen. The second trial upheld the unfair
practices ruling. At the third trial, the first two trials were
not called into question, but it was ruled that a court
specializing in bankruptcies was not qualified to judge the
merits of the case--that is, piracy.  It kicked the case up to
the Supreme Court. Which declared itself to be lacking
jurisdiction and passed the ball back in the direction of
Congress. Which passed a special law expanding the jurisdiction
of commercial courts. A new trial was held, and the verdict is
expected within the next few weeks. Hamilton is expecting
millions of dollars. And he may wait for them for a long, very
long time. The "espionage" angle is not part of the trial. It is
the intelligence services which use Promis, and it is the White
House Secret Service which played a role in spreading Promis all
over the planet. But the only issue in the trial will be
industrial property. None of the rest exists. It will be
impossible go any further. By itself, the investigation by
Congress--the Brooks Commission--is damning for the U.S.
Government. In a roundabout way--and backed by implacable
testimony---it hints that theft and an intelligence operation are
involved.  But it does not say so in black and white in its
conclusions. We met with the former cop from Los Angeles who
headed that commission. He gave us his impression: "We could
have pulled out all the stops. We were not given the means
to do so. No one really wanted to see us go all the way with
that investigation."

[LE VIF/L'EXPRESS] In that affair, Hamilton is the grain of sand
that brought the machinery to a halt. Why didn't the government
buy Promis at the start? And did the U.S. press say nothing about
the affair?

[Answer] Beyond the controversy over public funds as opposed to
private funds, the Justice Department would have been wiser to
let him have a few million dollars. Hamilton would have kept
quiet. He would not have tried to find out.  And that says a lot
about the arrogance of the government in general. They told
themselves: Why pay him when we can crush him? They also did not
foresee that Elliot Richardson, the former attorney general who
was honesty itself, would get involved. As for the press,
Hamilton went to see Bob Woodward, the Watergate star and star of
the Washington Post, who eventually told him: "This involves
state security. Kathy Graham, the owner, will never let me
publish such a story." Seymour Hersh, the Pulitzer Prize winner
who revealed the atrocities at My Lai, Vietnam and who has been
responsible for exceptional investigations, did investigate.
For the first time in his life, he was thrown out by every
publisher.


<The full report is avaiable on request to WNR
[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

Copyright (C) AN 1997

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