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"" China is looking for a direct way into Europe and is seeking access to the
oil resources that the Caspian Sea could provide. ""

>  www.wsws.org
>
> ------------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>
> WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe : Russia & the CIS
>
> Meeting of the "Shanghai Group" in Bishkek: China moves toward Moscow to
> strengthen its influence in Central Asia
>
> By Vladimir Volkov
> 2 September 1999
>
> Back to screen version
>
> A summit of the heads of state of the "Shanghai Group" took place recently in
> the Kyrgyzstan capital of Bishkek. Members of the group, which met on August
> 24-25, included Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. The
> meeting was an attempt to develop co-operation between Russia and China in
> Central Asia, and to create a counterweight to the influence of the West in this
> region.
>
> The crucial role was played by China, which, in contrast to an economically and
> politically weakened Russia, wants to act in world politics as an independent
> superpower. In Asia, it wants to construct an alternative centre of power that
> could challenge both the US and Japan.
>
> The "Shanghai Group" was formed in 1996 to regulate border disputes between
> China and the Confederation of Independent States (CIS). At that time, the five
> countries represented in Shanghai signed a declaration of mutual support. One
> year later, this was extended by an arms limitation agreement in the border
> regions that declared these to be a "minimum militarised" zone, in which only
> border troops were to be stationed.
>
> A special feature of this co-operation was that the four CIS participants
> (Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan) acted together, although
> considerable differences already existed between them. Each of these countries
> was trying to develop independent relations with China even then. Bilateral
> meetings took place, at which questions of economic co-operation were discussed,
> in addition to the border problems.
>
> At that point, Moscow did not insist on playing the leading role in the
> negotiations of the CIS with China. Its weakened influence and the absence at
> the previous year's meeting of Boris Yeltsin—who was represented by the
> then-Foreign Minister Yevgeni Primakov—were seen in Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and
> Kyrgyzstan as an indication that Moscow was leaving the negotiations with
> Beijing to them. In their search for a stronger and more stable partner, they
> increasingly acted without taking the interests of Russia into consideration.
>
> The changed situation has caused Moscow to seek to win back its abandoned
> positions in Central Asia and to establish co-operation with China.
>
> The motivation for the recent meeting was formulated in quite a rough and direct
> form by Yeltsin. On his arrival in Bishkek, still standing on the plane's
> gangway, he said he was “fighting fit” and was ready "to take up the battle with
> everyone ... particularly with the West ".
>
> This utterance provoked a flood of comments from those directly around the
> president. Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov "elucidated" that one had to understand
> Yeltsin's assertion in context; it was aimed against attempts to establish a
> uni-polar world.
>
> "In the world at present, an active fight for the future world order is taking
> place, for the construction of a multi-polar world in the interest of all
> countries", Ivanov said. "There are attempts to establish a uni-polar world,
> however, and Russia has always opposed this and will continue to do so in the
> future", he emphasised.
>
> The “multi-polar world" formed the quintessence of the joint declaration adopted
> in Bishkek. In this document, multi-polarity is defined as the tendency of
> general development in the modern world, which should provide long-term
> stability internationally.
>
> Yeltsin's thoughtless anti-Western utterances were taken up immediately by the
> Russian liberal press. The newspaper Izvestia accused the president of speaking
> "inappropriately" and reminded him of the fact that Russia "like never before,
> if not dependent on very close relations with the West, must nevertheless rely
> on its loyalty, at least".
>
> "In a uni-polar world", the newspaper continued in the Russian mass media's
> unique brand of cynicism, "one can effectively (and, what is important,
> harmlessly) fight in the election campaign at meetings of dissatisfied
> pensioners. This is what the communist opposition has already successfully done
> for many years. But the president ... does not live in an illusory world of
> ideological myths. He concerns himself (or in any case he should) with real
> politics. But in real politics, each word must be weighed carefully and the
> possible consequences measured."
>
> For Russia, the significance of the meeting in Bishkek rests, above all, on the
> fact that Russia is regarded less and less as a serious "player" in this region
> and beyond. America, the most important political partner of Russia, is
> obviously losing interest in the country's domestic problems. In addition, the
> obvious weakness of Russia revealed during the Kosovo War, which can lead to new
> debacles in innumerable conflicts, as in the north Caucasus, forces the Kremlin
> to seek alternative geopolitical alliances.
>
> Another important element that forced Yeltsin to undertake the journey is a
> fundamental transformation in Russia's domestic equilibrium. The opposition
> movement "Fatherland—All Russia" survived a period of persecution by the Kremlin
> and is now gaining support. This united electoral bloc was formed at the
> beginning of August. In the last two weeks it has conducted successful
> congresses in Moscow and the Bashkortostan capital of Ufa. The political weight
> of the bloc increased further with the entry of former Prime Minister Yevgeni
> Primakov. As a result, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov explained he would be ready to
> support Primakov's candidacy in the Russian presidential elections next year.
>
> All attempts to forge a serious counterweight to this alliance from the
> different pro-Kremlin organisations have failed. Furthermore, it has not been
> possible to undermine the financial base of the Luzhkov alliance, or prevent its
> participation in the coming parliamentary elections.
>
> Under these conditions, Yeltsin's only option is to make contact with the
> Primakov-Luzhkov group. If they were to guarantee his personal security—and
> there is no reason why they should not do so, as they have done so in the
> past—and Yeltsin could detach himself from the shady figures who have repeatedly
> brought him into conflict with the nomenklatura oligarchs, he might be able to
> fashion a compromise with the Primakov-Luzhkov bloc.
>
> If Yeltsin were to solidarise himself with the moderate anti-Western policy of
> Primakov, an "honourary role" (as with former CP general secretaries) could
> probably be found for him. He could figure as a representative of Russia abroad,
> or as "peacemaker". It is from this perspective that Yeltsin's main initiative
> in Bishkek must also be seen—the creation of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in
> Central Asia.
>
> Moreover, one must bear in mind the fact that China has caused great envy among
> broad sections of the new dominant class in Russia. In the example of China they
> see opportunities for Russia that were missed from the very outset. There were
> lost opportunities for Russia to maintain a more independent road in relation to
> the West, and to preserve the "traditional" forms of political suppression,
> i.e., elements of the totalitarian Stalinist regime.
>
> For their part, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan are also interested in the
> development of relations with China. They are all confronted with serious
> domestic problems and are situated directly in the unstable Central Asiatic
> belt. With their participation in the "Shanghai Group" they are seeking to be
> pulled along by the Chinese economic locomotive, and, at the same time, to
> increasingly free themselves from Russian dependency.
>
> As for China, its principal aim lies in the revival of the transcontinental
> corridor along the path of the former “Silk Route”. China is looking for a
> direct way into Europe and is seeking access to the oil resources that the
> Caspian Sea could provide.
>
> A whole series of projects moving in this direction have already been
> implemented. In addition, tensions with America have continued to rise following
> the bombardment of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. This not only caused sharp
> reactions from within official circles in Beijing, but gave rise to spontaneous
> mass protests in many cities.
>
> As with all the other participants, the Chinese side appeared content with the
> results of the summit. Besides purely economic arrangements, the recent
> agreements have increased security along the Chinese border. Apart from its
> proximity to Afghanistan, China is confronted with a separatist movement in the
> Xinjiang region, situated in the northwest of the country. The path of the Silk
> Route runs precisely through this region. Chinese President Jiang Zemin, who
> participated in the summit, explained that the experiences of the "Shanghai
> Group" might also be used to resolve border conflicts in other regions of the
> country.
>
> A typical example of the constant border conflicts within the region was the
> attack on the southern region of Kyrgyzstan by Islamic fighters, who penetrated
> the country from Tajikistan, occupying several areas and taking almost 100
> hostages. As the guerrilla leaders explained, their principal aim is to entangle
> Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan in a conflict.
>
> The commander of Russia's federal border troops, Konstantin Totzki, who
> accompanied Yeltsin to Bishkek, said Moscow was ready to lend Kyrgyzstan
> military support.
>
> The participants at the Bishkek conference repeatedly said that the results of
> the meeting should not be interpreted as signalling a confrontation with the
> rest of the world, and stressed the open character of their co-operation. On the
> eve of the meeting, Boris Yeltsin told the Slovo Kyrgyzstana newspaper that
> neither Russia nor China regarded "its strategic partnership as an alliance that
> is directed against other states”. Kyrgyzstan Foreign Minister Muratbek
> Imanaliyev explained at the end of the conference that "the 'Shanghai Group'
> does not want to create a bloc, forum or alliance".
>
> The objective significance of the Bishkek summit lies in the search for
> alternatives to Western influence in Central Asia. Izvestia gave the meeting
> "top marks" and wrote: "This time, Moscow and Beijing have practically declared
> an end to the strategic tripartite alliance, under which the USA stood closer to
> Moscow and Beijing than these two countries did to each other".
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------------------------------------------
>
> Copyright 1998-99
> World Socialist Web Site
> All rights reserved
>
>

At this site, you can see the realationship between all the countries named in
the article above:

http://mahogany.lib.utexas.edu:1000/Libs/PCL/Map_collection/commonwealth/Caucasu
s_Cntrl_Asia_pol_95.jpg

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