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>From AntiWar.CoM
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The Old Cause
by Joseph R. Stromberg

October 12, 1999
Buchanan, The Good War, and Ironclad Orthodoxies

AN UNCIVIL WAR
The controversy over Patrick J. Buchanan’s A Republic, Not an Empire is
most remarkable. One could expect a presidential candidate’s critics to
use his words against him – “Oh, that mine enemy had written a book.” What
is odd is the way Buchanan’s critics handle his disagreements with
conventional history. Good manners are not on display, and Buchanan’s very
character, moral judgment, and right to speak are under inquisition. “How
can he believe that? How can he say that?” howls the Greek chorus of
leftists, liberals, and tame “conservatives.” They are baffled by any
disagreement with their view of the One Good War.

THEIR BEST CARD
In their disarray, they began yelling HITLER! Aside from the attempted
intimidation, one suspects a certain intellectual dishonesty here. Perhaps
these people believe their own propaganda, having lost track of the real
Pat Buchanan and his views some time ago.

Buchanan allegedly wishes that Nazi Germany had won its wars. This hogwash
goes, of course, to his supposed “anti-Semitism” and that goes to his
being “right-wing.” The Right is the source of all evil: hate(!), ethnic
animosity, nationalism, localism (always evil), insensitivity,
fist-fights, guns, John Wayne movies, etc. – all leading straight to
fascism. Even ideologically empty Republicans have to watch themselves.

This is nothing new. In the fifties, American disciples of the Marxist
charlatan, Theodor Adorno, branded all critics of the New Deal (and
socialism) potential fascists. The Birchers, with their laissez faire
capitalism, constitutionalism, and funny views about Eisenhower, were
“fascists.” Goldwater was a fascist. (Actually, Barry was that unstable
Conservative mixture, a domestic libertarian and foreign warmonger.)

Once, Americans could criticize past wars without being demonized. Say a
kind word for Robert E. Lee, these days, and you’re a monster plotting to
restore slavery by Wednesday. Many Americans’ historical memory goes back
all of two weeks. One expected more from opinion leaders and journalists.

POINTS AT ISSUE
The “pundits” have a vision of World War II and Buchanan has spoiled it.
The actual history is inconvenient. World War I – and the 1919 “peace” –
left European society physically and morally ruined, with renewed war
looming. Bolsheviks began their “experiment” – proving that with enough
hellbentness you can kill 20-some million of “your own people.” In Italy,
Germany, and elsewhere fascist movements posed – believably, at first – as
the bulwark against the Communist contagion. In Asia, Japanese ambition
and fears led to confrontation with the United States, whose leaders
insisted on an Open Door to the markets of Asia. Wars got under way.
Britain and France committed themselves to Poland, which, nonetheless,
went quite unsaved.

Americans wanted no part of it. Wilson had helped make the Versailles
“peace” – but the American people repudiated his legacy in 1920. They
didn’t want a rerun any time soon. Scholars and other writers took
critical look at the First World War. Anti-interventionist feeling
pervaded the country. This view of things – and not a desire to wear
armbands, grow funny mustaches, and stage big parades – actuated the
American antiwar forces of 1939-1941.

Buchanan remembers what conventional liberals and conservatives don’t:
that a large American minority doubted St. Franklin’s judgment and were
prepared to stay out the war until it came to us. Some “isolationists”
would have been prepared to aid Britain if the Nazis had launched an
actual invasion of the British Isles. After the Battle of Britain, the
Germans couldn’t even make serious plans to cross the Channel, and after
June 1941 they were knee-deep in Adolf’s Big Muddy in Russia.

Buchanan is right. At this time, Hitler did not threaten America. To say
this is not the same as nominating the Fuehrer for the Nobel Peace Prize.
Hitler was a first-rate monster, but the moral fine-tuning needed to
justify crusading against him hand-in-hand with the Butcher Stalin wore
many people out – and still does.

Buchanan’s views differ little from those of historian Charles A. Beard,
widely regarded as a “progressive” until he dissented from FDR-worship.
Beard’s alternative was “Continentalism”: the serious defense of the
Western Hemisphere – enforcing the Monroe Doctrine rather than using it as
a cynical backdrop to looting Latin America for New York bankers.

IMPERIAL FOUNDATION MYTHS
Allegedly, joining the bloodbath of World War II saved us, just barely.
But the war’s institutional, moral, and constitutional costs undermined
our whole way of life with unconstitutional precedents for presidential
war-making, permanent controls, and bloated bureaucracies. The
“isolationist” writer William Henry Chamberlin called intervention a
“short-cut to fascism” and, in truth, the welfare-warfare state made great
strides during the war. The Cold War – with its mobilization-in-permanence
– nailed the new system down for 40 more years.

This is not about one man’s “eccentric” views about events long ago.
Anything short of total belief in the received version of World War II –
and the Big Government it enthroned – threatens the Establishment with a
real debate, finally, about the purposes of American foreign policy. That
is what drives the campaign against Buchanan’s frightful “heresies.”

Buchanan understands that World War I – and its inevitable sequel – are
the key disasters of the blood-drenched 20th century. Career diplomatic
George Kennan commented in 1951: "Yet, today, if one were offered the
chance of having back again the Germany of 1913 – a Germany run by
conservative but relatively moderate people, no Nazis and no Communists, a
vigorous Germany, united and unoccupied, full of energy and confidence,
able to play a part again in the balancing-off of Russian power in Europe
– well, there would be objections to it from many quarters, and it
wouldn't make everybody happy; but in many ways it wouldn't sound so bad,
in comparison with our problems of today. Now, think what this means. When
you tally up the total score of the two [world] wars, in terms of their
ostensible objective, you find that if there has been any gain at all, it
is pretty hard to discern."1

British Conservative historian Niall Ferguson comes to similar conclusions
in his The Pity of War: Explaining World War I (1999).
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0465057128/antiwarbookstore/ There
he argues that had Britain stayed out of World War I, Bolshevism would
never have triumphed in Russia, Hitler and his movement could never have
come to power in Germany, and Britain would not have exhausted its
substance and undermined its empire. Germany’s vague pre-war ambitions do
not demonstrate a “plan” to launch an aggressive war for hegemony, and
German planning, once the war was under way, was no more or less
reprehensible than the Allies’ plans to carve up the Ottoman empire, seize
German colonies, and break up Austria- Hungary. The difference is that the
Allies got to carry out their plans.

The supposed “worse case” scenario is one in which the German Empire under
Wilhelm I would have dominated much of European economically. This seems
rather benign compared to the actual history that we got. Since a
German-dominated European economic community is what we have now, Ferguson
asks whether postponing that outcome for 80 years was worth the price
paid. As for German hegemony being “authoritarian” and arbitrary, let him
who finds the present European union without sin in those areas cast the
first stone.

This brings us back to what made a clear-cut Allied victory possible:
Woodrow Wilson’s interference, moral grandstanding, and commitment to the
Open Door. The costs and consequences of American intervention in World
War I are incalculable. Here again, Buchanan – like the Old Right – is on
solid ground. There is certainly room for honest discussion of these
matters. Demonizing the skeptics may not be the most honest or productive
approach. Interventionists are loathe to debate such questions. The One
Good War is their best showcase for the glories – and necessity – of
eternal world-meddling. If that can be questioned – in the slightest
detail – their whole world-outlook bids fair to unravel.

ANOTHER MATTER: APOLOGY MANIA
Certain Congressmen are presently exercised that Bill the President spent
untold taxpayer dollars on his African junket, where he apologized for
slavery – quite possibly to descendants of the very African slave-dealers
who helped supply the world market for several centuries. If apology is in
the air, there are a few I would like to see. When will the Mongols, for
one, apologize for the Great Plague which cut Europe’s population by one
third to one half? When will Mr. Lincoln’s government apologize for those
famous fires in Atlanta and Columbia – or were they as “accidental” and
“unintended” as a stray NATO missile taking out a Bulgarian bridge?
Several right-wing political parties in South Africa want to know when Mr.
Tony Blair will apologize for the 27,000 Afrikaner women and children who
died in British concentration camps during the Boer War? (I’m just passing
this one along.) When will Uncle Sam say a world of apology, however
brief, to those 220,000 Filipinos who had to die so he could bring Yankee
school marms, modern sanitation, and good government to the islands? Just
curious. And I haven’t even brought up those Koreans.

[1] See George F. Kennan, American Diplomacy 1900-1950, Mentor edition, p.
51. http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0451611683/antiwarbookstore/

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