-Caveat Lector- A view from inside & underneath... JTF-6 Subversion of the Third Amendment; militarization of law enforcement Dave Hartley http://www.Asheville-Computer.com http://www.ioa.com/~davehart ================================================================= The RESISTER ------ The Official Publication of the Special Forces Underground Volume I, Number 4. Spring 1995 ================================================================= Post Office Box 47095, Kansas City, Missouri, 64188 Copy xxxx of 1250 Copies ================================================================= (c) Copyright 1995 by The RESISTER. This publication is produced in compliance with DA PAM 190-2, AR 210-10, AR 600-50, AR 360-5, 18 US Code s 2387, and Uniform Code of Military Justice. Permission is granted for individuals to make WHITE duplicates of this publication. ================================================================= JOINT TASK FORCE - 6 Subversion of the Third Amendment -by- William Sheppard The Third Amendment to the Constitution is usually ignored during constitutional debates about the federal government's unchecked abrogation of the rights of individuals. The tendency to overlook the Third Amendment is due, largely, to its wording. The Third Amendment states: No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. On the surface, the prohibition against quartering troops in houses seems firmly anchored in the 18th century, and apparently involves none of the fundamental issues of individual liberty inherent in the other amendments. In fact, the philosophical premise of the Third Amendment was firmly grounded in the founders' recognition that government is institutionalized force; that a government's instrument of force is a standing army, and that unless government is bound by strict, well defined constitutional constraints, a standing army becomes an instrument of domestic tyranny, rather than one of national defense. Patrick Henry affirmed antifederalist reservations about unchecked federal control of both standing and militia forces under Article I, section 8, of the proposed constitution, when he stated: To me this appears a very alarming power, when unlimitted [sic]. They are not only to raise, but to support armies; and this support is to go to the utmost abilities of the United States. If Congress shall say, that the general welfare requires it, they may keep armies continually on foot. There is nocontroul [sic] on Congress in raising and stationing them. They may billet them on the people at pleasure. This unlimitted authority is a most dangerous power: Its principles are despotic. If it be unbounded, it must lead to despotism. For the power of the people in a free Government, is supposed to be paramount to the existing power. Virginia Convention, 1788 Particularly significant is the fact that, during the constitution ratification debates in the state legislatures, proposed bills of rights universally juxtaposed the individual right to bear arms; the militia as the armed forces of the state and posse comitatus; the prohibition of federal quartering, and declarations that standing armies in time of peace are dangerous to liberty. These declarations were not arbitrarily derived. They were based on the fact that, at the time, standing armies were used domestically to enforce unpopular laws and keep the population subjugated to the dictates of the central government. In context, therefore, the premise underpinning the Third Amendment dealt with the unalienable right to be free from the exerise [sic] of arbitrary, capricious and despotic compulsion by armed forces under the exclusive control of the federal government. The quartering of troops was simply the expression of that premise. The Reconstruction Acts imposed on the rebel states after the Civil War, and their martial law enforcement, amply demonstrated earlier antifederalist fears of unchecked federal use armed forces to enforce arbitrary law. Only the passage of the Posse Comitatus Act in 1878 ended these outrages. The Posse Comitatus Act stated, in part: >From and after the passage of this act it shall not be lawful to employ any part of the Army of the United States as a posse comitatus, or otherwise, for the purpose of executing the laws, except in such cases and under such circumstances as such employment of said force may be expressly authorized by the Constitution or by an act of Congress... The Posse Comitatus Act was, in fact, a reflection of the intent of the founders. It is noteworthy that, for over 100 years, this act served to constrain federal government use of its armed forces in law enforcement. Also noteworthy is that, as the forces of statism and socialism spread within the federal government following the Civil War, so did the establishment, multiplication and expansion of inherently unconstitutional federal law enforcement, regulatory, and social agencies. Today, the increasing militarization of federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies, aided by the duplicity of the Department of Defense, has created the very beast feared by the founders generally, and the antifederalists specifically; an armed force under the exclusive control of the executive branch of the federal government. These federal agencies have no purpose other than enforcement of arbitrary, undefined, whim-based federal "laws." These militarized federal agencies now constitute the functional equivalent of a standing army in time of peace the founders warned against as dangerous to liberty, which the Second and Third Amendments were intended to prevent. In the early 1980's, president Reagan announced the "War on Drugs." (How war can be declared and waged on inanimate objects has yet to be determined; but it is typical socialist rhetoric.) Debate on the use of federal armed forces in this "war" and the assistance they could provide to law enforcement began soon thereafter. Significantly, there was opposition in the Department of Defense, particularly within the Army, to the obvious implications of using active duty forces to enforce drug laws. The prevailing arguments were twofold. First, the involvement of federal armed forces in law enforcement violated the letter and intent of the Posse Comitatus Act. Second, placing federal armed forces in close proximity to the drug trade, because of its proposed enforcement duties, would ultimately lead to corruption within the military. Both objections to military involvement in law enforcement have since proven true. During the mid 1980's, while Operation Alliance was being organized, a compromise was reached. If, during the execution of normal training, a member of the armed forces witnessed activities that could be reasonably construed to indicate activities involving drugs, or drug trafficking, it was his duty to report it through his chain of command, for forwarding to the appropriate law enforcement agencies. On face value, this compromise was neither unreasonable nor onerous. The consequences of this compromise were. Operation Alliance was organized in 1986 under Vice President George Bush as head of the National Narcotics Border Interdiction System and Attorney General Edwin Meese III, the Chairman of the National Drug Policy Board. Joint Task Force-6 was established by the Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, on 15 September 1989, at Fort Bliss Texas. Operation Alliance responds to requests for operational support from all law enforcement agencies in the Southwest border region. Its principal focus is securing military support from its coordination center located on Fort Bliss, Texas, adjacent to JTF-6 which is located on Biggs Army Airfield. A significant development in the relationship between Operation Alliance and JTF-6 is that, prior to 1993, the JTF-6 mission was to provide direct support to only "Drug Law Enforcement Agencies." Since January 1993 the word "drug" has been dropped from the "Law Enforcement Agencies" to be supported. Operation Alliance's primary function is to bring together state and local law enforcement agencies, and their supporting Active, Reserve, and National Guard forces, with federal agencies to provide coordinated support to counterdrug operations along the U.S. southwest border. Alliance operates under the policy guidance of the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP). The ONDCP manages both the international and domestic counterdrug functions of all executive agencies. The Chairman of ONDCP answers to the National Security Council. Operation Alliance operates under the policy guidance of the ONDCP Southwest Border Committee and the Operation Alliance Joint Command Group (OAJCG), which is under the directions of the Southwest Border High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area (HIDTA) coordinator, who is also the Director of Operation Alliance. The OAJCG functions under the Director, Operation Alliance as a coordinating and planning group. Its members include over 20 federal, state and local law enforcement agencies. Group meetings are chaired by the Senior Tactical Coordinator, which is a position which rotates among representatives of the DEA, the Border Patrol, and the Customs Service. JTF-6 serves as the planning, coordinating, and operational headquarters providing Department of Defense support to federal, state and local law enforcement agencies along the southwest border. The stated objective of this support is to assist law enforcement agencies in their mission to detect, deter, and disrupt drug trafficking. JTF-6 supports Operation Alliance by planning and coordination all requested DOD (Title 10) support. National Guard (Title 32) support to Operation Alliance is coordinated directly between Operation Alliance and the respective state National Guard organizations. JTF-6 provides both operational and intelligence support to Operation Alliance. Operational support is provided using "total force" support packages drawn from a variety of military sources and guided by priorities established by Operation Alliance. All military operations in the Operation Alliance area of responsibility are conducted in support of a lead law enforcement agency. This results in joint active duty military - law enforcement operations. For the duration of the operation, active duty military forces are placed under operational control (OPCON) of the supported law enforcement agency. JTF-6 routinely provides four types of operational support to Operation Alliance. The first is reconnaissance support. Ground reconnaissance support includes sensors, listening posts, observation posts, ground surveillance radar, and ground patrols. Aerial reconnaissance support includes Forward Looking Infrared (FLIR), Side-looking Airborne Radar (SLAR), photographic imagery, and Remotely Piloted Vehicles (RPVs). The second type of operational support is training. Training support includes patrolling, helicopter insertions and extractions, sniping, operations and intelligence, and Advanced Military Operations on Urbanized Terrain (AMOUT). (AMOUT cannot be functionally differentiated from Close Quarter Combat (CQC) regardless of nit-picking official attempts to do so. Officially, CQC deals with linear targets--planes, trains, busses. The training and operational techniques of AMOUT and CQC are identical. BORTAC is specifically authorized to receive CQC training.). The third type of operational support is logistics. Logistical support includes engineer projects and air and ground transportation. Engineer projects include barrier erection, road repair, and range construction. Air transportation includes MH-60 and CH-47 helicopters, as well as the provision for fire support from helicopter gun-ships. Ground transportation support includes loans of military vehicles, and the use of tactical vehicles (such as Bradley Infantry Fighting Vehicles--BIFVs), upon application. Logistical support also includes loans of surveillance equipment; primarily passive and thermal night observation devices, and day optics. The fourth type of operational support is Research. Development and Acquisition (RDA). This involves identifying and demonstrating technologies appropriate to combining military and law enforcement capabilities and operations. JTF-6 also provides extensive intelligence support to Operation Alliance. JTF-6 provides fused and analyzed data from DOD and law enforcement sources to DOD forces deployed in support of law enforcement agencies operating in Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and California. Intelligence support to law enforcement agencies consists of providing the techniques, systems and procedures that facilitate the analysis, fusion, and sharing of drug related intelligence in response to specific requests from law enforcement agencies. Intelligence support is provided by seconding DOD intelligence personnel to law enforcement agencies--specifically to the FBI and DEA, by aerial imagery, intelligence instructors, and translators. This "fusion" of military intelligence support to law enforcement agencies is reflected in the operations of the DEA established El Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC). EPIC provides operational and tactical intelligence to the law enforcement community. It has its own proprietary database, as well as access to other proprietary intelligence databases. EPIC provides information to authorized DOD, federal and state law enforcement agencies. EPIC is a full service intelligence operations center, whose primary mission is to provide tactical intelligence support to federal, state and local law enforcement agencies with information related to weapons, drugs and aliens. In addition to DEA, eleven other federal agencies are members of EPIC. In theory, Operation Alliance and JTF-6 were intended to exercise the joint integration of the United States military and federal law enforcement to fight the alleged "war on drugs." In practice, this integration has been exploited by federal, state and local law enforcement agencies to militarize the forces at their disposal. Indeed, given the natural proclivities of the myriad unconstitutional federal law enforcement agencies, Operation Alliance, and JTF-6 support of this integration, the armed, badge wielding thugs of the statist Department of Justice have made themselves the de facto internal security army of the United States. There is no single atrocity that illustrates this obscenity better than the BATF assault on the Seventh Day Adventist, Branch Davidians, at Waco Texas, on 28 FEB, 1993. This operation was directly supported by Company C, 3d Battalion, 3d Special Forces Group (Airborne), then serving as the Rapid Support Unit for JTF-6 at McGreggor Range Complex, Fort Bliss, Texas. Message traffic indicates that the operational parameters of this assault were known to the Special Forces unit involved as early as December 1992. Operation Alliance, in an attempt to secure DOD support and training prior to the raid, forwarded a completely fictitious report through military channels that there was a suspected methamphetamine lab at the Waco compound. This was enough for JTF-6 to secure the commitment of Special Forces ODA 381 (then attached to Co.C), to provide pre-mission training to BATF forces dedicated to the attack. (See: Soldier of Fortune, May 1994, and May 1995, for complete and accurate details). The single most noteworthy result of active duty military integration into the so-called "war on drugs," has been the abject perversion of the once honorable Judge Advocate General Corps (JAG). JTF-6 spared no expense to hire civilian lawyers who specialize in law related to the Posse Comitatus Act. JAG officers who object to specific missions parameters related to the employment of federal troops in support of Operation Alliance and JTF-6 are given notice by military liaison officers to OAJCG that their objections are "...not career enhancing." Prior to October 1989, counterdrug enforcement belonged exclusively to law enforcement agencies. The Department of Defense provided limited assistance to involved agencies but did not become directly involved in police functions. As part of the 1989 National Defense Authorization Act, DOD was directed to fully integrate its command, control, communications, and intelligence functions with those of federal law enforcement agencies. This integration was a deliberate, willful violation of the intent of the Third Amendment to the Constitution. Since the establishment of Operation Alliance and JTF-6, law enforcement agencies at all levels have used the increasingly insupportable pretext of "drugs" to secure increasing levels of direct military training and support. The result has been the increasingly authoritative, abusive, and arbitrary enforcement of so-called "laws" by an increasingly militarized "police." Stripped of its window-dressing and obfuscating rhetoric, the law enforcement agencies of today are no different than the standing armies of the 18th century. If the federal government was serious about the "threat to national security" posed by the drug trade; if the federal government was serious about "interdicting" the drug trade into the United States; it would invaded, reduced to rubble, and occupied as subject colonies, the drug trafficking states of Mexico, Columbia, Peru, and Bolivia. It causes you wonder who is benefiting by not doing so. The abrogation of individual rights resulting from the logarithmic expansion of arbitrary legislation, and the integration of the Department of Defense with the Department of Justice is justified in the name of the "war on drugs." Or is it the War on the Constitution? ----------------------------------------------------------------- * * * * * DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion and informational exchange list. Proselyzting propagandic screeds are not allowed. Substance—not soapboxing! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory', with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright frauds is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credeence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply. 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