-Caveat Lector-

an  excerpt from:
Inside the Covert Operations of the CIA & Israel’s Mossad
Joel Bainerman ©1994
S.P.I. BOOKS/Shapolsky Publishers, Inc.
136 West 22nd St.
New York, NY 10011
ISBN 1-56171-350-3
291 pps. – First Edition – Out-of-print
--[2]—

The Reagan-Bush White House:
A New Era In Secret Government

As early as March 1981 the Reagan-Bush Administration paved the way for a new
wave of covert operations. After Watergate, Presidents Ford and Carter tried
to issue executive orders to curb CIA activities, particularly ones which
involved the violation of the civil liberties of American citizens. Yet a
blue ribbon commission established in 1975 headed by Vice President Nelson
Rockefeller, and coincidentally with Ronald Reagan (then Gove[r]nor of
California) as a member, concluded that "Presidents should refrain from
directing the CIA to perform what are essentially internal security tasks."

A proposal put forth by the Bush-Reagan Administration as early as March
23rd, 1981, drafted by mid-level career agents, permitted the agency to
undertake covert operations within the U.S. and to spy on American citizens.
The new order no longer required the CIA to collect information by the "least
intrusive means possible," and so enabled the CIA to regularly conduct
searches without warrants, surreptitious entries, and infiltration of
political organizations (Time, March 23rd, 1981).

The push for the executive order was made under the guise of combating
terrorism. In the early meetings of the National Security Council, it was
argued that limits put on the CIA prevented the agency from conducting
surveillance on suspected terrorists once they had entered the country. (How
many terrorist attacks took place in the United States during the 1970s? No
one thought to ask.)

Some members of Congress didn't like the new regulations. Don Edwards, then
chairman of the House Civil and Constitutional Rights Subcommittee, said the
draft order would "put the CIA back in the business of domestic spying" (Time,
 March 23rd, 1981).

The Bush-Reagan Administration used another technique to create the political
framework for its string of secret agendas and covert operations. Writing in
June 1989 in The Nation, Eve Pell, a staff reporter at the Center for
Investigative Reporting in San Francisco, describe how secret presidential
decrees and National Security Deci-sion Directives (NSDD) had propelled
America into some of the controversial events of the pre-vious decade.
President Reagan issued nearly 300 NSDDs. It was an NSDD that enabled the CIA
to begin arming Contra soldiers, and that arming was part of the build-up
which resulted in the inva-sion of Grenada in 1983.

An NSDD is not like an executive order or presidential finding, as the latter
are made known to the the House and Senate Intelligence committees, whereas
NSDDs do not have to be revealed to any other branch of government. Of the
300 NSDDs issued by Reagan, less than fifty have been declassified in whole
or in part by the National Security Council, the one government body which
decides if an NSDD will be made public. In other words, only 15 percent of
the most important policy decisions made during the BushReagan White House
are known to the American people.

Allan Adler, a former legislative counsel to the American Civil Liberties
Union, said the ReaganBush Administration "had a pronounced proclivity for
using NSDDs, apparently because it didn't have to make them public." Anna
Nelson, an historian at Tulane University, says that the Reagan White House
was "extraordinary in its abuse of the process." "The original National
Security Council documents were broad policy papers, with agency
implementation," she also explained. "Some of Reagan's NSDDs bypassed even
normal agency channels, as well as Congress. The arrogance of this
arrangement is incredible."

Eve Pell argues that during the Reagan Administration, the NSDDs were the
backbone of the hidden government, issued to evade congressional scrutiny and
on certain occasions ordering actions which stand in direct contradiction to
the then publicly stated policy of the government.

NSDD Number 77 is a good example of how 'Bush and Reagan employed NSDDs to
serve secret agenda goals. It allowed the National Security Council to
coordinate inter-agency efforts for what was called the "Management of Public
Diplomacy Relative to National Security." This directive served as a the
basis for "public diplomacy activities" (i.e., propaganda) by enabling
"organizational support for foreign governments and private groups to
encourage the growth of democratic political institutions and practices." In
reality, the directive created mini-propaganda ministries operating out of
The~ National Security Council, the State Department and the White House. The
General Accounting Office believed these activities violated the law banning
"covert propaganda" within the U.S.

 In 1987, then head of the House Government Operations Committee Jack Brooks
asked National Security advisor Frank Carlucci for a list of all the NSDDs
issued by the Reagan Administration since 1981. Carlucci refused and called
into the question the constitutionality of the request. Speaker of the House
Jim Wright, after being denied access to the same list, claimed "Congress
cannot react responsibly to new dictates for national policy set in operation
by the executive branch behind closed doors."

Brooks was unable to pass a bill requiring that the Speaker of the Senate be
informed of any new NSDDs. At the hearing on that bill, Representative Louis
Stokes asked "Is the secret policy of the United States the same as the
public policy of the United States. . with respect to very sensitive matters
such as terrorism and paramilitary covert actions?"

pps. 171-175
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End

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