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From:

http://www.nytimes.com/library/books/011100toobin-book-review.html

January 11, 2000

BOOKS OF THE TIMES


A Vast Conspiracy: Going Over Clinton's Enemies List

Review by MICHIKO KAKUTANI


A VAST CONSPIRACY

The Real Story of the Sex Scandal That Nearly Brought Down a
President.

By Jeffrey Toobin.

422 pages. Random House. $25.95.


Vast Conspiracy," the title of Jeffrey Toobin's new book about
the sex scandal that led to President Clinton's impeachment,
comes of course from Hillary Clinton's accusation that a "vast
right-wing conspiracy" had been working "against my husband since
the day he announced for president."

Although Toobin says he believes that Mrs. Clinton's remarks were
delivered before she learned the truth of her husband's
involvement with Monica Lewinsky, and although her remarks also
reflect the self-pitying, go-on-the-attack stance routinely
assumed by the administration whenever it has been under fire,
Toobin comes to the conclusion that "there was indeed a 'vast
right-wing conspiracy' to get the president."

Toobin's highly partisan book does a dexterous job of showing how
Kenneth Starr's office bungled its investigation of Clinton
through a combination of zealotry, infighting and ineptitude;
this portion of the book was recently excerpted in The New
Yorker. But the book consistently plays down the role that the
president himself played in triggering and sustaining the ordeal
the country went through for so many months.

Toobin makes the dubious assertion that not only the Paula Jones
case but the Whitewater investigation as well exist "only because
of the efforts of Clinton's right-wing political enemies." He
goes on to argue that scarcely "a single prominent Democrat or
Clinton supporter" was "convinced by the evidence to change
sides," never mind that longtime Clinton allies like Sen. Joseph
I. Lieberman and the president's former aide George
Stephanopoulos, among many others, harshly criticized Clinton's
behavior.

Whereas the legal expertise of Toobin -- a former assistant U.S.
attorney and an associate counsel in the office of the
independent counsel Lawrence E. Walsh -- helped him present a
powerfully argued assessment of the O.J. Simpson case in his last
book, "The Run of His Life" (1996), the narrowly legalistic
approach here often results in a tin ear when it comes to the
subjects of politics and governance.

Although one of the themes of this book is what Toobin calls "the
legal system's takeover of the political system" -- meaning the
growing efforts on the part of liberal, and more recently
right-wing, activists to use the courts to target and change laws
-- he tends to look at the actions of Clinton and his associates
strictly in terms of criminal law.

He writes that no one could say "with the specificity required
for a criminal case, what Bill and Hillary Clinton had done
wrong" in terms of Whitewater, that scarcely anyone could
"articulate any criminal offense the president might have
committed" with "Filegate" or the campaign finance scandal, and
that Clinton's conduct in the Monica Lewinsky case was "shabby,
but not illegal."

Such arguments suggest that elected officials need not especially
worry about ethical conflicts, compromising financial
entanglements or reckless behavior as long as they have not
committed an actual crime. Toobin reaches the conclusion that the
whole impeachment crisis "was never anything more than it
appeared to be -- that of a humiliated middle-aged husband who
lied when he was caught having an affair with a young woman."

By focusing on sex, not the president's lies under oath, this
assessment ignores Clinton's failure in his constitutional duty
to uphold the rule of law; in the words of Judge Susan Webber
Wright (who presided over the Paula Jones case), he deliberately
"undermined the integrity of the judicial system." It ignores his
lies not only to his family, but also to his staff, to members of
Congress and to the American public, his using others to lie for
him while imperiling the political agenda he was elected to help
implement.

For that matter, Toobin blames the media and the legal system,
not Clinton's stonewalling, for creating a new set of victims:
"the witnesses who had to hire lawyers, the targets who had to
live in fear, the investigating agents who had to turn away from
more important work and the public that was distracted from the
real business of government and, of course, had to pay the bill."

While Toobin observes that Clinton dealt with the crisis "not
with candor and grace, but rather with the dishonesty and
self-pity that are among the touchstones of his character," he
consistently portrays the president as a victim of "extremists of
the political right who tried to use the legal system to undo
elections -- in particular the two that put Bill Clinton in the
White House."

Toobin spends the better part of this book railing against
Clinton's adversaries, whom he says "appeared literally consumed
with hatred for him." "They were willing to trample all standards
of fairness -- not to mention the Constitution -- in their effort
to drive him from office," he says. "They ranged from
one-case-only zealots in the cause of fighting sexual harassment
to one-defendant-only federal prosecutors, and they shared only a
willingness to misuse the law and the courts in their effort to
destroy Bill Clinton."

In the course of this book we are given cutting portraits of
people like Cliff Jackson, the longtime Clinton nemesis who
leaked reports about the president's draft record, and Randall
Terry, the founder of the antiabortion group Operation Rescue.
The reporter Michael Isikoff, who is described as Newsweek's
"in-house expert on Clinton's sex life," is lumped in with these
enemies and is taken to task for writing a book about the
scandal. As for Kenneth Starr, he is characterized as "Babbitt
with a badge," his investigative team as having "an obsession
with meaningless atmospherics" and "a predilection for canine
zeal over solid prosecutorial judgment."

Toobin persuasively argues that Starr's decision not to give
Monica Lewinsky immunity in February 1998, as two of his more
levelheaded prosecutors recommended, helped ensure the
president's survival. By the time the deal was finally made 176
days later, Toobin writes, "the political and legal terrain had
been transformed since those frenzied first days of the scandal";
the delay of nearly half a year "had allowed the country to come
to terms with the fact that the president probably had had the
affair with the intern -- but that he had managed to do a pretty
good job anyway."

Yet compelling as Toobin's account of Starr's botched
investigation may be, it is undermined by contradictions and
perplexing assertions. On one page Toobin writes that the
prosecutor "was a consummate Washington careerist who navigated
the capital more by self-interest than by ideology"; two pages
later he writes that Starr "was a committed political
conservative who stood outspokenly opposed to Clinton on
virtually every controversial issue of the day."

In one passage Toobin comes down hard on the book agent Lucianne
Goldberg for reflecting "the new face on American politics --
personal, petty, and mean." In the same paragraph he indulges in
some petty meanness himself, cattily describing Ms. Goldberg as
emerging "from a virtual space somewhere between the Republican
National Convention and the bar scene in 'Star Wars,"' like Norma
Desmond in "Sunset Boulevard," "her heart full of murder and
longing."

The most telling description in this willfully subjective book,
however, is attached to Clinton who, in comparison with his
adversaries, Toobin writes, emerges as "the good guy in this
struggle," a dubious assessment of the chief protagonist in a
saga decidedly bereft of heroes.

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             Kadosh, Kadosh, Kadosh, YHVH, TZEVAOT

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   The Best Way To Destroy Enemies Is To Change Them To Friends
       Shalom, A Salaam Aleikum, and to all, A Good Day.
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