-Caveat Lector- <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/"> </A> -Cui Bono?- >From a previous post [CTRL] ANALYSIS: Bush still optimistic, but aides, GOP strategists worried about McCain "" But at times his jovial mood became snappish, as when he reprimanded a reporter for "butting in when I'm just pausing in what I'm saying." "" <<This is what I don't like about J.R. I have seen too many indications of him being an outwardly smiling but inwardly seething person with many, too many personal agendae to settle. The recent reports of his (and his bro's) extensive "house-cleaning" via the death penalty are just some of these indications. Do I seem to recall Bill Jeff doing something similar back in aught-92 (could be wrong though)? I was reading in Hatfield's biography of J.R. that the Congressional Quarterly at some point in the past rated Tejas' governor as being the second weakest in the country, a state constitutional design stemming from 1876. So, when we think of 'governor', there are all kinds of brands and flavours and proofs (20, 86, 151, et cetera, i.e.); apparently, the Hombre de Tejas is capitalising on a title rather than an actual presence, like his being an 'oil man' or a 'sports business man', more titular than substantial ... kind of like his being a 'George Bush' (name affinity). A<>E<>R >> On with the Post ... >From NY POSt On-Line {{<Begin>}} JOHN MCCAIN: AMERICA'S BEST HOPE FOR THE FUTURE NEW YORK Republicans go to the polls one week from Tuesday to help nominate a candidate for president of the United States. The question before them will be this: Who is best equipped to restore dignity to the White House after two terms of Clintonian sleaze, corruption and moral delinquency? We believe that man to be John McCain. On the critical issues facing America at home and abroad - and on personal character, the linchpin issue of this campaign - we believe that McCain represents the nation's best hope for the future. And so, we enthusiastically endorse his candidacy in the March 7 primary. Not since Ronald Reagan has a leader so resonated with the American public. His candidacy is igniting genuine excitement across the political spectrum. Yes, the Arizona senator has bucked his own party on some important issues. But even those who disagree with him on policy do not question his integrity. John McCain is the antithesis of the president he seeks to succeed. His GOP rival, George Bush, brings much merit to the race: As governor, he has led the education-reform movement in Texas, forcefully advocating vouchers and charter schools; he has aggressively implemented welfare and tort reform. He's also been a model of political outreach, convincing longtime Democratic voters - particularly minorities - to support his gubernatorial campaigns. But Bush has no record on foreign policy and national security, and what few positions he has advanced in those areas have been tentative and ill-defined. Sen. McCain, by contrast, is one of the most respected voices on Capitol Hill. In his 18 years in Congress, McCain has told uncomfortable truths about the state of America's military readiness - or lack of it - and he speaks eloquently on the need for a commanding U.S. presence in world affairs. Few in Washington have been as articulate as McCain in standing up to what he terms the "strategic incoherence and self-doubt" that have defined U.S. foreign policy under Bill Clinton and Al Gore. Clinton's foreign policy, McCain rightly notes, can be defined as "a mystifying uncertainty about how to act in a world where we are the only superpower." The result: a seven-year-long stumble from one foreign embarrassment to another. Significantly, the senator also warns against the blind, head-in-the-sand isolationism advocated by some in his own party. He is not afraid to advocate the use of force: When North Korea began to rattle its nuclear sabers, for example, McCain called for sanctions - to be backed, if necessary, by U.S. airstrikes. But he is not reckless. He warns that "force has a role in, but is no substitute for, diplomacy . . . . All means short of force must be employed first." This is in line with his overall approach to foreign policy: Support for a strategic defense and a willingness to honestly and openly confront rogue regimes that threaten world stability. Domestically, McCain generally stands four-square with the Republican agenda. He favors protecting Social Security by taking it "off budget" - meaning that its surpluses would not be used for unrelated spending or for fiscal gimmickry by masking the size of the deficit. He favors tax cuts and doubling the child tax credit. On education, he favors school choice and a nationwide test of school vouchers - but, unlike Al Gore and Bill Bradley, McCain believes that Washington's proper role consists solely of providing "a bully pulpit for better educational performance nationwide." He calls partial-birth abortion "an abomination," and voted to override Clinton's veto of a bill to outlaw the procedure. WE DON'T always see eye-to-eye with John McCain. Part of his reputation as a maverick is based on his eager embrace of two positions that we think are wrongheaded. His bid to use confiscatory taxation to effect a national ban on smoking, a legal industry, is problematic. As for campaign-finance reform - now the rallying cry of his presidential campaign - we believe that the legislation that bore his name would have resulted in an unconstitutional curb on legitimate political discourse. But an anti-establishment posture is part of McCain's charm. That, and his indisputable saga of wartime patriotism and sacrifice. Surely, there's no denying that he genuinely attracts and excites people who rarely, if ever, consider voting Republican. In this sense, he truly evokes Ronald Reagan. Democrats and independents are flocking to McCain's banner in numbers far too large to constitute organized mischief-making by the opposition. These Americans see in the Arizona senator rare candor, accessibility, maturity and self-confidence. He had a life before politics, and it shows. Part of the McCain magic clearly resides in that larger-than-life personal story. Held prisoner in North Vietnam, McCain knew that freedom was his at any time - just for the asking. But to do that would have brought dishonor on himself, on his father - then commander of the U.S. Navy's Pacific fleet - and on his nation. And so he refused. Such courage, such character, is as rare as it is inspiring. And it has shown through, time and again, in the weeks and months leading up to this critical juncture. No one doubts that when John McCain speaks, the words are his own. It's not a consultant speaking; not a pollster; not a political pulse-taker. It's McCain. And no one doubts that he is unique in this regard. What a breath of fresh air after seven-plus years of poll-driven decision- making and cynical presidential makeovers. John McCain has been fighting an uphill battle from the start; now he comes to New York with virtually the entire Republican establishment arrayed against him. He had to go to court just to get on the ballot. But McCain's message preceded him - that much is made clear by his position in voter-preference polls. He enters this last critical week of campaigning up a remarkable 6 percentage points in a poll conducted exclusively for The Post by Zogby International. Obviously, winning New York is doable - but it will be a very heavy lift. Nothing should be taken for granted, given the resources that party regulars surely will bring to bear against the McCain insurgency. John McCain offers as clear a break from the past as is possible. New York Republicans who value experience, maturity, sound judgment and - above all - honor and character have no real choice but to vote for him on March 7. 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