-Caveat Lector- <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/"> </A> -Cui Bono?- from: http://www.larouchecampaign.com/pages/usvlarouche1a.htm Click Here: <A HREF="http://www.larouchecampaign.com/pages/usvlarouche1a.htm"> New Page 5</A> Kissinger and the 12333 file The 1983-2000 12333 operation against me and my associates, was set into motion on the initiative of former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and Kissinger’s Washington, D.C. law firm, Arnold and Porter. Formally, Kissinger’s and Arnold and Porter’s operation went into effect beginning Kissinger’s August 19, 1982 “Dear Bill” letter to then FBI Director William Webster. Through repeated efforts in this same campaign by Kissinger and his attorneys,28 and with support from Edward Bennett Williams, an attorney for the Katharine Meyer Graham of the LaRouche-hating Washington Post , the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (PFIAB), on January 12, 1983, adopted the proposal of Kissinger and of Kissinger’s attorneys, Arnold and Porter. On that same day, FBI Director Webster ordered the FBI’s Oliver “Buck” Revell to carry out the FBI’s own implementation of the PFIAB order of David Abshire, Edward Bennett Williams, et al. On December 13, 1982, the head of the permanent bureaucracy of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division, Deputy Assistant Attorney General John Keeney, assigned his old Internal Security office, now veiled under the name of General Litigation and Legal Advice Section (GLLAS), to handle the matter.29 GLLAS remained on that assignment, through the 1988 Alexandria Federal indictment and trial.30 As of August 19, 1982, the date of Kissinger’s letter to FBI Director Webster, there were five publicly well known issues behind Kissinger’s personal motives for targetting of me for Justice Department dirty operations. All five were both political in nature, and involved my associates’ ongoing journalistic investigations into matters of notable public interest, respecting corrupt activities in which Kissinger was personally involved. First, was the continuing political controversy between Kissinger and me over the issue of urgent reforms in the post-1971 international monetary system. This personal controversy dated from the 1974-1976 interval, involving Kissinger’s actions in his various capacities as U.S. Secretary of State and National Security Advisor.31 Merely typical of Kissinger’s relevant state of mind during that period, is his 1974 crafting, in his capacity as National Security Advisor, of the subsequently declassified, pro-genocidal National Security [Council] Study Memorandum 200.32 Second, was my launching of a public campaign, in February 1982, to overturn Kissinger’s arms-control policies.33 This attack on existing, Kissingerian arms-control policies, reflected my ongoing back-channel discussions with the Soviet Government, discussions which led to the March 23, 1983 announcement of a Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) proposal to the Soviet government, by President Ronald Reagan.34 This ongoing work was well known to Kissinger’s circles at that time. Third, was our published attention to the contents of a public address which Kissinger himself had delivered to a London Chatham House audience on May 10, 1982, in which Kissinger bragged that he had worked behind the back of his President, under British direction, during the period he served as U.S. Secretary of State and National Security Advisor. In that address, Kissinger described himself as a follower of Winston Churchill and opponent of the “American intellectual tradition” represented by Churchill’s political opponent and war-time ally President Franklin D. Roosevelt. The report we published was based on the transcript of that address issued by Kissinger’s representatives themselves, including persons associated with the same PFIAB organization which, in January 1983, set into motion the secret-intelligence operations conducted under provisions of Executive Order 12333.35 The fourth issue was our news organization’s investigation of information indicating Kissinger’s personal involvement, with Israel’s Ariel Sharon and others, in a disgusting “West Bank land-scam” operation, which was one of the world’s most notable, scurrilous, and profitable real estate swindles occurring at that time.36 The fifth issue was my authorship of a special report, Operation Juarez, published just a short time before Kissinger’s now-notorious “Dear Bill” letter to FBI Director Webster.37 Operation Juarez set forth a proposed U.S. policy for dealing with what I had foreseen, since Spring 1982, as an impending Mexico debt-crisis, to be expected no later than September 1982. The crisis exploded mere days following the initial publication of that report. During the period immediately following, Kissinger was heavily deployed into Mexico, with U.S. government backing, in the effort to prevent Mexico’s government of President Lopez Portillo from continuing to respond to the crisis in the manner outlined in Operation Juarez.38 On each and all of these particular five issues, the underlying philosophical differences between Kissinger and me, were, and remain exactly the same. In all five cases, our journalistic investigations of Kissinger and his activities were no more abrasive, indeed less personally intrusive, than what subjects of investigation customarily enjoy at the hands of any endeavor in contemporary investigative journalism by major-media agencies. Kissinger’s repeated, typically cowardly demand of both the Justice Department and PFIAB, was that the ability of my associates to continue to engage in these journalistic activities must be shut down by any and all means available. Kissinger’s political cronies in PFIAB, and the Justice Department, complied. In direct response to that PFIAB action, FBI Director William Webster set an anti-LaRouche operation into motion within the FBI, while John Keeney of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division assigned the old Internal Security Division of the Justice Department, the General Litigation and Legal Advice Section (GLLAS) of that Division, to conduct an Executive Order 12333 operation, under “national security,” foreign intelligence, cover, against me, and also my associates. The circles of Vice-President Bush, including Col. Oliver North, and National Security Council advisors such as Roy Godson, came to play a leading party in the dirty operations targetting me and my associates. This has continued since January 1983 to the present day. The known figure of the Justice Department central to this continuing operation, since January 1983 to the present day, has been the same Deputy Assistant Attorney General John Keeney who made the GLLAS assignment on Kissinger’s behalf, possibly the dirtiest man in the Justice Department from then to the present day. Such is the morality of the New York Times, the Washi ngton Post, and the other mass media which have cooperated in this dirty Justice Department, political operation, through either all or a great part of the 1973-2000 interval to date. The outcome of that secret-intelligence-directed operation launched on Kissinger’s behalf, is best summarized by focussing attention on the crucially relevant features of three trials, and a most extraordinary additional action of October 1986. Those elements and their interconnections are chiefly as follows. A. A prolonged (1984-1988) set of grand-jury proceedings, and subsequent mass-trial, held in Federal Court in Boston, Massachusetts, a trial which the prosecution implicitly lost, in a Spring 1988 mistrial. In that case, which ended as a result of a drawing-down of an exhausted jury, the jurors’ expressed their unanimous opinion, that they would exonerate the defendants on all charges, and qualified that by observing that the issue of the case was government wrong-doing.39 A more elegant, judicial opinion to similar effect was later supplied by the trial judge in that case.40 At that point, the prosecution had the option of retrying that case, one they were virtually assured of losing. So, although a retrial date of January 1989 was tentatively set, the Federal prosecutors conspired to avoid defeat in Boston, by trying the defendants, first, on different, specially pre-concocted charges, in a less scrupulous jurisdiction, in Alexandria, Virginia. Thus, they rushed to bring a new case to trial in Virginia, before the January date tentatively arranged for retrial in Boston. By early 1987, the Justice Department’s multi-jurisdictional, State-Federal prosecutorial task-force had crafted the option used in the later, railroad-style trial in Federal Court in Alexandria. As was to be expected all along, after the Alexandria conviction, the prosecution abandoned the Boston retrial. This introduction of a new trial, while a retrial of another Federal case was pending, was worse than merely highly irregular. However, at the urging of GLLAS, and the pleasure of a former CIA official, Judge Sporkin, the Alexandria travesty of justice was ordered to proceed forthwith.41 B. Meanwhile, on October 6-7, 1986, an armed force of more than four hundred, including the equivalent of several military companies of heavily armed members of a combined Federal, State, and local task-force, invaded and occupied the town of Leesburg, Virginia. The included intention of at least some elements of this task-force, was to use the cover of that operation as the occasion for what would be later described as a “Waco-style” operation, designed for assassinating me, my wife, and others, at my place of residence, a few miles distant from Leesburg. This intention was subsequently admitted by agents of the Justice Department Criminal Division’s task-force itself, and was otherwise confirmed, objectively, by the way in which military teams were deployed at the place of residence, from dawn of October 6th through early morning of October 7th. Higher authorities in Washington prevented this shoot-out, by going over the head of strike-force director, and Criminal Division head William Weld, to order that the waiting Special Forces-style attack on my location be disbanded. This October 6-7, 1986 armed occupation of Leesburg, occurred on the eve of President Ronald Reagan’s meeting with Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev at Reykjavik, Iceland. The issue of that latter meeting was the same SDI, of which the Gorbachev government and press described me, in most violent language, as its hated original author and spokesman. Since I was well known as the initiator of the SDI, as that had been introduced officially by President Ronald Reagan on March 23, 1983, the assassination of me at that juncture would have appeared to the world as a Justice Department killing on Soviet orders, and thus an implied personal threat, with William Weld’s complicity, against the President of the U.S. himself! This brings us to the matter of a second trial, a Federal bankruptcy in Virginia. C. A 1987 Federal seizure and shut-down, later ruled to have been unlawful, under pretext of Federal bankruptcy law, of several organizations in Virginia. This was later decided, in successive Federal bankruptcy proceedings, to have been a case of constructive fraud upon the court by the relevant U.S. Attorney, Henry Hudson. All income-generating and loan-repayment operations of these entities, were permanently shut down at that point, by the court. The relevant Federal judge, Albert V. Bryan, Jr., refused to allow the seized organizations opportunity to conduct a timely challenge to this unlawful, indeed fraudulent government action bankrupting and seizing those firms. It is to be stressed, that, in proceedings which occurred following the Alexandria trial and conviction of me and my fellow-defendants, the Federal courts ruled that the bringing of the bankruptcy itself had been an act of fraud upon the court by the U.S. Department of Justice. Nonetheless, despite those rulings, I remained in Federal prison for more than four more years; so, the “Get LaRouche” task-force was permitted to continue to enjoy the ill-gotten ends, which had been secured by aid of Justice Department fraud on the Federal bankruptcy court. As an accompanying, and preceding element of this same operation, corrupt, February 1987 actions by authorities within the Commonwealth of Virginia, induced a relevant official to reverse herself, by fraudulently redefining the loans later jeopardized by the impending bankruptcy action to have been regular business loans, when most of them were in fact of the “soft,” political loans classification, like the election-campaign loans of leading Commonwealth figures at that time. These loans were often zero-interest rate, and were customarily rolled over until finally retired. Shortly after her shocking turnabout, that Virginia official was rewarded for her good behavior, by her appointment as a judge of the state’s Supreme Court. This combination of actions, the Federal government’s fraudulent actions in the bankruptcy proceedings, and the preparatory actions of February, taken by corrupt Commonwealth officials, were among the most crucial preparatory steps for crafting the prosecutor’s orchestration of the perjury-ridden Federal mail-fraud and “Klein conspiracy” indictments of October 14, 1988.42 D. A railroad-style prosecution, by the U.S. Department of Justice, was launched out of the Eastern District of Virginia, during October 1988, using the Federal Bankruptcy case, together with the fraudulent charges placed by the Commonwealth of Virginia, as the sole pretext for twelve counts of alleged mail-fraud and one count, also based on the loan issue, charging me personally with a “Klein conspiracy.” The latter, arcane charge, otherwise stated, was intent “to obstruct and impede the functions of the Internal Revenue Service.” The mail fraud charges were predicated upon the outstanding loans of the entities which had been unlawfully bankrupted by the prosecutorial task-force itself. The indictment was launched by the same U.S. Attorney Henry Hudson who had launched the fraud on the court which shut down continued payments, including payments on some of the same instances for which the charges at trial were heard before the same, fully-witting Federal Judge Bryan, who had previously stopped any action to allow those entities to continue repayment of those loans. However, the issue of the bankruptcy, and of the actual character of those loans themselves, was kept out of court by pre-trial and in-trial rulings by savagely enforced, repeated order of the same Judge Bryan who had acted to prevent the subject entities from continuing their ongoing programs of loan retirement. Most crucial was that judge’s Rule 403 in limine ruling, pre-trial, disallowing the introduction of what the court admitted to be relevant evidence bearing upon the bankruptcy and other relevant matters. That and related pretrial exclusions of relevant evidence by Bryan, were designed to ensure that the Alexandria indictment was not rejected by the jury as the Boston indictment had been. Although the mail fraud charges featured in the Alexandria indictment were new, and involved legally complex new issues not considered in Boston, the included umbrella charge of conspiracy in the Alexandria case was a virtual copy, axiomatically, of that in the Boston case; the prosecution’s wild-eyed theory of an alleged conspiracy by me, was the same in both cases. The multi-jurisdictional prosecutorial team was determined to exclude any hearing of those facts, common to both cases, which had been decisive in the jury’s reactions in Boston. Judge Bryan also excluded from the trial any hearing on evidence on the complex new legal questions posed by the mail fraud charges. That and related pretrial rulings by that Judge Bryan, ensured that the subsequent trial was assuredly a fraud by the court, in and of itself. --[cont]-- Aloha, He'Ping, Om, Shalom, Salaam. Em Hotep, Peace Be, All My Relations. Omnia Bona Bonis, Adieu, Adios, Aloha. Amen. Roads End <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are not allowed. Substance—not soap-boxing! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply. 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