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US Stocks


If Stocks Fall, Will the Economy Follow?


Just who is in charge here, anyway.

Many American policymakers argue that a stockmarket collapse would inflict
little damage on the real economy. Don’t bet on it.

CONTRARY to some headlines at the end of last week, America’s stockmarket
bubble has not burst.Yet the market turmoil has prompted one topical economic
question: how much might a crash hurt America’s economy?

The answer of many American optimists is that a slump in share prices would
not trigger a recession, because the real economy is fundamentally so sound.
It is, they argue, much healthier than Japan’s in the late 1980s or East
Asia’s economies in the mid-1990s, just before their bubbles burst. It is
certainly true that America has much to boast about: a budget surplus, faster
productivity growth and an underlying rate of inflation that is still
historically low. Look closer, however, and the American economy is less
sound than it seems.

First, although the government has moved into budget surplus, American
households and firms have been on a borrowing binge. That might be fine if
the debt had been used mainly to finance investments that would boost future
productivity and profits. But about half of all corporate borrowing over the
past two years has been used to buy back shares, which has helped to prop up
the stockmarket. Meanwhile, rising share prices have made households feel
wealthier and so encouraged them to borrow to finance a spending spree. Total
private-sector debt in relation to GDP has risen to record levels.

This appears not to matter because share prices have risen faster than debts.
But if share prices tumble households may have to cut their spending. Most
worrying, margin debt (borrowing to buy shares) has almost tripled over the
past three years. If share prices drop, some of this would have to be repaid
immediately, forcing investors to sell shares, sending prices still lower.
A second concern is that America’s current-account deficit has risen to a
record 4% of GDP. So far foreigners have been more than willing to finance
that gap, attracted in part by high stockmarket returns. But America is
already the world’s biggest foreign debtor, with net foreign liabilities of
$1.5 trillion, around 20% of GDP. At some stage foreigners’ appetite for
dollars may dry up. If this sends the dollar tumbling, it will push up
inflation. America’s economy already looks red hot: retail sales jumped by
10% in the year to March, and inflation has now started to rise—to 3.7% over
the same 12 months. This puts more pressure on the Fed to raise interest
rates.
The wealth defect

America’s overhang of private debt and its large external deficit mean that
the consequences of a stockmarket crash could be more severe than most people
expect. The direct impact of movements in share prices on the economy
operates through the wealth effect. Alan Greenspan, the Fed chairman, has
said this effect has boosted growth by one full percentage point, on average,
in each of the past four years. So what might happen if share prices go
sharply into reverse—a sustained fall of 30-40% across the board, say? (Not
implausible: by some traditional valuation methods, that would still leave
share prices overvalued, and they typically overshoot on the way down as well
as on the way up.)

Conventional economic models suggest that the wealth effect by itself would
slow America’s rate of growth, but that it would not push the economy into
recession. However, the old rules of thumb may no longer apply. If current
levels of borrowing and spending are based on the rosy assumptions of
continuing high stockmarket returns, the negative impact of a crash on
consumption and investment could be bigger. Heavy borrowing could turn a mild
downturn into a recession if debtors suddenly had to cut spending in order to
service or reduce their debts.
A crucial indicator of vulnerability is the private sector’s financial
deficit (the gap between total private saving and investment), which has
increased to an unprecedented 4% of GDP. Until the past few years, the
private sector had been in consistent surplus for 50 years. Last year, an IMF
analysis found that all economies that have previously experienced a
financial deficit on this scale have suffered recessions when asset prices
tumbled.

American optimists point to October 1987, when Wall Street fell by 34%, yet
the economy did not dive into recession. However, there are important
differences between today and 1987. First, in 1987, because the Fed eased
monetary policy, share prices bounced back quickly. A sustained decline would
have a much bigger impact. Many investors expect the Fed to cut rates again
if the market slumps now. Yet it really needs to raise interest rates, not
cut them, to curb inflation. Second, a fall in share prices would make a much
bigger dent in consumer spending than in 1987, because more than half of
American households now own shares, compared with only one-quarter then. And
third, in 1987 the private sector was running a financial surplus, not a
deficit, so it was less vulnerable to a slump in asset prices.

American policymakers hold one last trump card. They argue that previous
stockmarket collapses have resulted in deep recession or even depression only
because of serious subsequent policy errors that they will avoid this time.
In the early 1930s, the American government and the Fed kept fiscal and
monetary policies far too tight even as output slumped. Similarly, Japan’s
slump in the 1990s was prolonged largely due to overly tight monetary policy
and because the government was so slow to clean up the rotten banking system.

The government’s budget surplus also gives it plenty of ammunition, to cut
taxes or raise spending if the economy slumps. It is worth remembering,
however, that when Japan’s bubble burst in 1990, the Japanese government was
running a bigger budget surplus than America today. Now it has a massive
budget deficit and stock of debt. Fiscal easing can certainly stop a
stockmarket crash turning into a depression, but it may not be enough to save
America from some sort of recession.
The Economist, April 22-28, 2000
-----
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