-Caveat Lector-

From:

<http://www.nytimes.com/2000/09/22/opinion/22STEW.html>

September 22, 2000

No One Won the Whitewater Case

By JAMES B. STEWART


After six years and nearly $60 million of taxpayer money, the
Whitewater investigation, for all practical purposes, is over. To
the extent that they will face no criminal charges, Bill and
Hillary Clinton have been exonerated. But what, for all the
anguish, time and money, have we learned?

The Whitewater investigation germinated in 1992, in a culture of
mutual political destruction. During a heated campaign for the
Democratic nomination, Bill Clinton had already suffered what his
closest aides openly referred to as "two strikes": the draft and
Gennifer Flowers controversies.

When Whitewater burst into public view ó in a March 8, 1992, New
York Times article by Jeff Gerth that remains a model of
investigative reporting ó it was seen by the Clintons and their
allies as the dreaded "third strike" from which there might be no
recovery.

The potential scandal had to be blunted at all costs, not because
the Whitewater acts were crimes, but because they were
embarrassing. The Clintons made a series of public statements
that can most charitably be deemed "misleading."

Mr. Clinton, of course, was elected, but the Whitewater record,
replete with evasions and misstatements, provided ample fodder
for those opposed to the president. After Vincent Foster, the
White House counsel, committed suicide, and after Whitewater
records were clumsily and suspiciously removed from his office,
the rabid Clinton haters went into high gear. They piled their
own falsehoods on top of the Clintons' evasions, none more
preposterous than the notion that Mr. Foster was murdered,
preferably by Hillary Clinton herself.

By 1994, everyone was calling for the appointment of an
independent counsel ó the Clintons in order to lay the Whitewater
affair to rest and their opponents in order to destroy them. The
truth was unlikely to emerge however. The Clintons, fearing
embarrassment, continued to stonewall, while their opponents
pounced on their recalcitrance as evidence of guilt.

The independent counsel's mission was to get to the bottom of the
morass. Kenneth Starr and his top deputies were not instinctive
politicians, and they became caught up in a political war for
which they were woefully unprepared and ill- suited. The White
House and its allies relentlessly attacked the independent
counsel for what they thought were both illegal and unprincipled
tactics, like intimidating witnesses and leaking to the press.
Mr. Starr has been vindicated in the courts in nearly every
instance, and he and his allies were maligned to a degree that
will someday be seen as grossly unfair.

Nonetheless, that the Whitewater investigation cost what it did,
took as long as it did and meandered so far afield from its
original mission is preposterous. The investigation unfolded with
an inexorable logic that made sense at every turn, yet lost all
sight of the public purpose it was meant to serve. Mr. Starr's
failure was not one of logic or law, but of simple common sense.

>From very early on, it should have been apparent that a criminal
case could never be made against the Clintons. Who would testify
against them?

The critical witnesses in the case were Mr. Clinton himself, his
Whitewater partners, James and Susan McDougal, and David Hale, an
Arkansas businessman.

In 1994, early in the Whitewater investigation, Mr. Hale pleaded
guilty to bank and mail fraud. Mr. McDougal, too, was convicted
on 18 felony counts stemming from his operation of a corrupt
Arkansas savings and loan. He died in prison while serving his
Whitewater sentence. Mr. Clinton, we now know, cannot be relied
on to tell the truth when his self-interest is at stake. Susan
McDougal refused to answer prosecutors' questions, even in the
face of imprisonment. Whatever the suspicions about the Clintons'
actions, no prosecutor would take such witnesses before a jury.

The investigation does not clear the Clintons in all respects. As
far as the Whitewater matters themselves, the evidence goes a
long way toward exonerating them. On the obstruction of justice
issues ó lying under oath, concealing evidence, pressuring
witnesses ó the evidence is stronger, but still far short of
proof beyond a reasonable doubt, as Robert Ray, the latest
independent counsel, concluded. We will probably never know the
whole truth about these matters. That is a fact of life in many
criminal investigations.

The independent counsel law is already a casualty of Whitewater
and its excesses. But as long as a culture of mutual political
destruction reigns in Washington, the need for some independent
resolution of charges against top officials, especially the
president, will not go away. After all, we did get something for
our nearly $60 million. The charges against the Clintons were
credibly resolved.

To me, the leitmotif of Whitewater is lies. Lies, large and
small, begot more lies. Many of our politicians seem to believe
that a moment of unguarded candor can destroy a political career.
Yet I remain convinced that had the Clintons been forthright from
the beginning, there never would have been a Whitewater scandal.
James B. Stewart is the author of "Blood Sport: The President and
His Adversaries."

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