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From: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: December 7, 1941 -  A Day Of Deceit
Date: Saturday, December 09, 2000 12:07 PM

December 7, 1941 - A Day Of Deceit
By Robert B. Stinnett*
12--8-00
http://www.independent.org/tii/news/001207Stinnett.html

As Americans honor those 2403 men, women, and children killed -- and 1178
wounded -- in the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Hawaii on December 7,
1941, recently released government documents concerning that "surprise" raid
compel us to revisit some troubling questions.
 At issue is American foreknowledge of Japanese military plans to attack
Hawaii by a submarine and carrier force 59 years ago. There are two questions
at the top of the foreknowledge list: (1) whether President Franklin D.
Roosevelt and his top military chieftains provoked Japan into an "overt act
of war" directed at Hawaii, and (2) whether Japanís military plans were
obtained in advance by the United States but concealed from the Hawaiian
military commanders, Admiral Husband E. Kimmel and Lieutenant General Walter
Short so they would not interfere with the overt act.

The latter question was answered in the affirmative on October 30, 2000, when
President Bill Clinton signed into law, with the support of a bipartisan
Congress, the National Defense Authorization Act. Amidst its omnibus
provisions, the Act reverses the findings of nine previous Pearl Harbor
investigations and finds that both Kimmel and Short were denied crucial
military intelligence that tracked the Japanese forces toward Hawaii and
obtained by the Roosevelt Administration in the weeks before the attack.

Congress was specific in its finding against the 1941 White House: Kimmel and
Short were cut off from the intelligence pipeline that located Japanese
forces advancing on Hawaii. Then, after the successful Japanese raid, both
commanders were relieved of their commands, blamed for failing to ward off
the attack, and demoted in rank.

President Clinton must now decide whether to grant the request by Congress to
restore the commanders to their 1941 ranks. Regardless of what the
Commander-in-Chief does in the remaining months of his term, these
congressional findings should be widely seen as an exoneration of 59 years of
blame assigned to Kimmel and Short.

But one important question remains: Does the blame for the Pearl Harbor
disaster revert to President Roosevelt?

A major motion picture based on the attack is currently under production by
Walt Disney Studios and scheduled for release in May 2001. The producer,
Jerry Bruckheimer, refuses to include Americaís foreknowledge in the script.
When Bruckheimer commented on FDRís foreknowledge in an interview published
earlier this year, he said "Thatís all b___s___."

Yet, Roosevelt believed that provoking Japan into an attack on Hawaii was the
only option he had in 1941 to overcome the powerful America First
non-interventionist movement ledby aviation hero Charles Lindbergh. These
anti-war views were shared by 80 percent of the American public from 1940 to
1941. Though Germany had conquered most of Europe, and her U-Boats were
sinking American ships in the Atlantic Ocean ñ including warships ñ Americans
wanted nothing to do with "Europeís War."

However, Germany made a strategic error. She, along with her Axis partner,
Italy, signed the mutual assistance treaty with Japan, the Tripartite Pact,
on September 27, 1940. Ten days later, Lieutenant Commander Arthur McCollum,
a U.S. Naval officer in the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI), saw an
opportunity to counter the U.S. isolationist movement by provoking Japan into
a state of war with the U.S., triggering the mutual assistance provisions of
the Tripartite Pact, and bringing America into World War II.

Memorialized in McCollumís secret memo dated October 7, 1940, and recently
obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, the ONI proposal called for
eight provocations aimed at Japan. Its centerpiece was keeping the might of
the U.S. Fleet based in the Territory of Hawaii as a lure for a Japanese
attack.

President Roosevelt acted swiftly. The very next day, October 8, 1940, the
Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Fleet, Admiral James O. Richardson, was
summoned to the Oval Office and told of the provocative plan by the
President. In a heated argument with FDR, the admiral objected to placing his
sailors and ships in harmís way. Richardson was then fired and in his place
FDR selected an obscure naval officer, Rear Admiral Husband E. Kimmel, to
command the fleet in Hawaii. Kimmel was promoted to a four-star admiral and
took command on February 1, 1941. In a related appointment, Walter Short was
promoted from Major General to a three-star Lieutenant General and given
command of U.S. Army troops in Hawaii.

Throughout 1941, FDR implemented the remaining seven provocations. He then
gauged Japanese reaction through intercepted and decoded communications
intelligence originated by Japanís diplomatic and military leaders.

The island nationís militarists used the provocations to seize control of
Japan and organized their military forces for war against the U.S., Great
Britain, and the Netherlands. The centerpiece ñ the Pearl Harbor attack ñ was
leaked to the U.S. in January 1941. During the next 11 months, the White
House followed the Japanese war plans through the intercepted and decoded
diplomatic and military communications intelligence.

Japanese leaders failed in basic security precautions. At least 1,000
Japanese military and diplomatic radio messages per day were intercepted by
monitoring stations operated by the U.S. and her Allies, and the message
contents were summarized for the White House. The intercept summaries were
clear: Pearl Harbor would be attacked on December 7, 1941, by Japanese forces
advancing through the Central and North Pacific Oceans. On November 27 and
28, 1941, Admiral Kimmel and General Short were ordered to remain in a
defensive posture for "the United States desires that Japan commit the first
overt act." The order came directly from President Roosevelt.

As I explained to a policy forum audience at The Independent Institute in
Oakland, California, which was videotaped and telecast nationwide over the
Fourth of July holiday earlier this year, my research of U.S. naval records
shows that not only were Kimmel and Short cut off from the Japanese
communications intelligence pipeline, so were the American people. It is a
coverup that has lasted for nearly 59 years.

Immediately after December 7, 1941, military communications documents that
disclose American foreknowledge of the Pearl Harbor disaster were locked in
U.S. Navy vaults away from the prying eyes of congressional investigators,
historians, and authors. Though the Freedom of Information Act freed the
foreknowledge documents from the secretive vaults to the sunlight of the
National Archives in 1995, a cottage industry continues to cover up Americaís
foreknowledge of Pearl Harbor.

* Robert B. Stinnett has worked as a journalist for the Oakland Tribune and
the BBC, and is the author of the book, Day of Deceit: The Truth about FDR
and Pearl Harbor (Free Press, 2000). This article is adapted from his
presentation before the Independent Policy Forum held earlier this year at
The Independent Institute in Oakland, California. Click here to order copies
of this Independent Policy Forum transcript, audio tape, video, and/or the
book, Day of Deceit.


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