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Click Here: <A HREF="http://www.moldea.com/Three-10.html";>Three-10</A>
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The New York Times weighs in 
Copyright © 2000 by Dan E. Moldea 



     After Mary Heathcote finished her massive editing job on my 
900-plus-page manuscript, a prominent New York libel attorney, David Lubell, 
and one of his associates vetted The Hoffa Wars, driving me crazy for two 
full days as they made me jump for every piece of documentation.  But, after 
Lubell's legal review, he wrote to Paddington Press, saying:  "We must note 
that rarely have we encountered an investigative reporter, or any non-fiction 
writer, who had as great a command of his source material, both primary and 
secondary, as did Mr. Moldea."
 
     On June 22, I received a telephone call from Herbert Mitgang, the 
literary editor at the New York Times, who wanted to discuss the publishing 
controversy between Brill and me, concentrating on Simon & Schuster's actions 
against New Republic Book Company, which forced me to break my original book 
contract and to sign up with Paddington.  I agreed to cooperate with Mitgang 
and told him what I knew.
 
     One week later, on Thursday, June 29, Mitgang's article appeared in the 
Times.  And it was just fabulous, saying: 

     Two forthcoming books on the same controversial subjects--James R. Hoffa 
and the International Brotherhood of Teamsters' covert role in American 
political and criminal life--have pitted their authors and publishers in a 
behind-the-scenes contest, with possible broad implications for publishing 
independence or suppression. . . . 


     At issue is not censorship, but a growing trend to contractual 
arrangements in which smaller publishers use larger ones to sell their 
books.  The Hoffa books, according to the publishing community, point up the 
difficulties involved for independent houses in today's marketplace.
 
     The first book is The Hoffa Wars:  Teamsters, Rebels, Politicians and 
the Mob by Dan E. Moldea, to be published by Paddington, a small but vigorous 
independent house with offices in New York and London. . . . The second is 
The Teamsters by Steven Brill, to be published by Simon & Schuster, which is 
owned by the Gulf and Western Industries conglomerate.      The story 
included praise for The Hoffa Wars by Marty Peretz, the publisher of The New 
Republic, who had lost the book during the earlier dispute.  Peretz told 
Mitgang:  "I very much regret it because it's a powerful book."
 
     Mitgang was extremely critical of Richard Snyder, the president of Simon 
& Schuster, who told the Times reporter:  "I was surprised when I heard that 
New Republic was selling its book to Paddington.  We requested them to 
postpone it, not to sell it." 
     Also, after discussing my interview with Hoffa's alleged killers and 
reporting details from the tape of the November 1976 threat to my life, 
Mitgang quoted Brill about his alleged taped conversation with Frank Sheeran, 
writing: 

     Mr. Brill also says he has been threatened--by an official of the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation--for supposedly not sharing a taped 
"confession" about the Hoffa murder.  "Please stress that I have no such 
tape--it's just not true," Mr. Brill said.      That was totally contrary to 
what Brill had told me during our breakfast meeting at the Capitol Hilton. 

     Mitgang concluded in his Times article:
 
     Publishing lawyers . . . said that the attempted delay of the Moldea 
book was one of the first examples of [a] possible loss of independence--with 
implicit censorship--where there is a conflict on a controversial nonfiction 
book.      That same day, inspired by the article in the New York Times, 
Playboy magazine purchased the first-serial rights to The Hoffa Wars for 
nearly twice as much as my original advance.   Also, the Book-of-the-Month 
Club, which had both my book and Brill's to choose from, purchased The Hoffa 
Wars.  Soon after, The Observer of London bought the worldwide syndication 
rights for another huge chunk of change, and, to everyone's delight, the New 
York Times Syndication Service bought the U. S. rights.
 
     At the same time, Paddington announced a $50,000 advertising budget for 
the book and a 50,000-copy first printing.
 
     Cris and I went out to celebrate that night--after she finished scraping 
me off the ceiling.  I had just experienced the greatest day of my life--the 
day the New York Times recognized and, thus, legitimized me as a new American 
author. 

     Inspired by the market power of the New York Times, publications all 
over the country suddenly began writing about the pending release of The 
Hoffa Wars--written by a completely unknown journalist and published by a 
little company no one had ever heard of before. 
     Riding the wave, I went to New York on Monday, July 24 to work on the 
excerpt for Playboy.  The story concentrated on the violence in Local 299 and 
the politics behind the Hoffa murder, as well as the possible 
Marcello-Trafficante-Hoffa scenario in the murder of President Kennedy.
 
     During an early morning breakfast with Barry Golson, Playboy's executive 
editor, on Saturday, July 29, I felt exhausted after the week's work.  It was 
2:30 A.M., and we had just put the story to bed. 

     Golson--who had edited the article along with his assistant, Tom 
Passavant--offhandedly remarked, "It's too bad that we don't have anyone 
saying that Hoffa personally knew Jack Ruby."
 
     "Yeah," I replied.  "The only thing I ever heard was . . . " and I told 
Golson about my meeting with Jimmy Hoffa, Jr. the previous December--during 
which he said he believed his father knew Ruby.
 
     Astonished, Golson exclaimed, "Why isn't that in the story?"
 
     "Barry, it's my word against both Hoffa and Murray Chodak." 

     "Did he say it?"
 
     "Yeah, of course, he said it."
 
     "Did you write it down?
" 
     "Yes, as I left Hoffa's office."
 
     Golson paid the check and said we were going back to the office to add 
Hoffa's quote to the story.  He assured me, "Our attorneys will back you up 
if Hoffa comes after us."
 
     Emboldened by Golson's confidence, I added the Hoffa quote as a 
last-minute endnote to my book. 

     I had also told Golson--and gave him a written statement--about the 
circumstances around my acceptance of the money from the Hoffa Reward Fund, 
administered by Jimmy Hoffa, Jr.  Golson suggested that I defuse any 
potential criticism by writing a brief preface to my article about receiving 
the reward money, which I did. 

*               *               *
     On Tuesday, August 15, I played golf in Washington with Rafe Sagalyn of 
New Republic Books.  He told me that--during a meeting he attended in New 
York at Simon & Schuster--Dick Snyder had exploded over Mitgang's article in 
the New York Times.  Sagalyn warned me that the S & S chief would "pull out 
all the stops" in his promotion of Brill's book.
 
     Soon after, the Village Voice published what appeared to be an S & S 
flack's story, saying:  "There's little doubt that The Teamsters will be the 
next 'big' book.  Brill is scheduled for, not one, but three consecutive 
interviews on the Today Show, beginning September 11." 

     While promoting Brill's work, Snyder clearly wanted to bury Paddington, 
my book, and me.  And, frankly, Paddington and I were up for this fight.
=====

Yes, we have no Central Sanitation 
Copyright © 2000 by Dan E. Moldea 



     On Wednesday, August 23, Cris and I drove to a huge printing plant in 
Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, where The Hoffa Wars had just been completed.  
Paddington's sales manager had asked me to sign 800 copies, purchased by 
Hudson's, a Michigan-based department store chain, in the wake of Mitgang's 
article in the New York Times
. 
     When we arrived, a plant executive gave us a tour of his impressive 
facility, showing us hundreds of newly-bound books.  Then they placed us in a 
small room.  Cris had walked out momentarily to get something out of the car 
when another executive of the company came in and handed me the first copy of 
the book.  Knowing that this was a big moment for me, he smiled and left the 
room, shutting the door behind him--as if I was going to do something weird 
with it. 

     I did stare at it, though, cupping it in both hands and treating it as 
an icon.  Then, I gently ran my fingers along the smooth and shiny dust cover 
as I looked at it front and back.  I opened the book and slowly removed its 
jacket, feeling its hard cover and the raised print on its spine.
 
     And then I did what every nonfiction author does when he or she first 
sees his or her finished book:  I went to the index.  Other than the text 
itself, there is nothing more important than a good index.  And, "This," I 
said out loud to myself, "is a great index!"
 
     By the time Cris returned, she found me sitting alone in the room, just 
reading my own book. 

*               *               *
     In early September, both books, The Hoffa Wars and The Teamsters, were 
released. 
     The following day, I bought a copy of Brill's book when I saw it on 
display next to mine in a bookstore.  Although I had real problems with the 
manner in which he had depicted Hoffa as a working-class hero and Robert 
Kennedy as a malicious wiretapper who had violated Hoffa's civil rights, 
Brill organized his book masterfully and written it well.  Still, because of 
the participation of his consultants, especially Drinkhall, much of the 
research in the book remained suspect. 

     As predicted, Brill's material about the Hoffa murder contained no 
surprises, and I was absolutely joyful when I saw that he had featured the 
Central Sanitation theory about the disposal of Hoffa's body.
 
     Although his most interesting chapter was a profile of Ron Carey, the 
maverick president of Teamsters Local 804 in New York, my biggest complaint 
about his book was his portrayal of the corrupt Ohio Teamsters boss Jackie 
Presser as a quasi reformer.  Meantime, he gave a backhanded treatment to the 
contemporary rank-and-file reform movements, like the Teamsters for a 
Democratic Union and PROD. 

     Bill Wallace of the Berkeley Barb later wrote, "Moldea gives a much 
fairer view of the Teamster rebel movement," while Convoy, the voice of TDU, 
which actively promoted my book, said in its review by Mike Friedman, "Moldea 
explains the rank and file tradition for today's reform movements.  He 
understands that tradition, because he's no outsider to it."
 
     But public interest in the rank-and-file reform movement paled by 
comparison with their fascination with Hoffa's disappearance.  Right off the 
bat, it was Brill who took the early advantage, and, to my chagrin, my former 
employers, NBC News and the Detroit Free Press, gave it to him.
 
     On Saturday night, September 9, correspondent Brian Ross of NBC's 
Nightly News led the program with an exclusive report about Brill's book, 
claiming that, according to Brill, the FBI believed that Hoffa's body was 
disposed of at Central Sanitation in Detroit.  Ross added that the FBI had no 
comment. 

     As Ross's accurate report about Brill's erroneous theory went off the 
wire services that night, Ralph Orr at the Detroit Free Press published a 
huge banner-headline story, "Hoffa slain by 2 N.J. men, author says," on 
Sunday, September 10.
 
     In his article, Orr wrote:
 
     Brill pinpoints Central Sanitation at 8215 Moran in Hamtramck as the 
place when Hoffa's body was taken. . . . "Hoffa's body was destroyed at the 
premises . . . by means of a shredder, compactor and/or incinerator located 
on the premises."      Once again, the FBI had no comment on Brill theory.
 
     I knew that Brill's Central Sanitation theory was wrong--based on what 
the FBI had told me--and was furious that the FBI hadn't said so to either 
Brian Ross or Ralph Orr.
 
     I immediately called one of my FBI sources, saying, "What's wrong with 
you guys?  You've been telling me for years that the Central Sanitation 
theory is wrong!  And now you're saying, 'no comment?'  Is this what you 
believe or not?  If not, you have a responsibility to correct what's being 
said!" 

     The FBI agent replied, "I told you, we don't believe it." 

     "Then, damn it, say so!  Please issue a statement!"
 
     Within hours, the FBI issued a joint statement from its Washington 
headquarters and Detroit field office, saying:
 
     The theory that Mr. Hoffa's remains were disposed of at a private 
suburban sanitation facility [Central Sanitation] was explored at the outset 
of the case.  It was subsequently determined that the source of the 
information was not reliable.  No search warrant was ever requested, issued 
or executed by the FBI, concerning the sanitation company.       
Nevertheless, despite the FBI's denial, Brian Ross returned to NBC's Nightly 
News and stood by his report. And, even though the Free Press had trumpeted 
Brill's allegations on Sunday front page, the newspaper played the FBI's 
denial of Ralph Orr's story in a short piece on page three the following day, 
September 11. 
     In its no-byline story, the Free Press reported: 

     The FBI Sunday said author Steven Brill's claim that the bureau searched 
a Hamtramck incinerating company [Central Sanitation] for James R. Hoffa's 
body was wrong and that his theory on how Hoffa disappeared and was killed is 
not the agency's "subscribed solution to the case."       The FBI added that 
the source for Brill's scenario was deemed "not reliable."
 
     The following day, Tuesday, September 12, Helen Fogel, another reporter 
at the Free Press wrote a second, front-page story, "TV story on Hoffa called 
lie," in the wake of the FBI's denials.
 
     The newspaper quoted a very embarrassed Brill:
 
     I was told by the highest possible sources in the Hoffa investigation 
that the theory advanced in the book was the investigators' leading 
explanation of Hoffa's disappearance. . . . If they are now denying it, well, 
I can't speak for the FBI.      Any other book by any other author would have 
been destroyed by this news--yet, Brill continued to survive.  And I felt the 
power of Dick Snyder and Simon & Schuster hovering over this entire fiasco.  
In fact, Rafe Sagalyn at New Republic, who attended meetings with Simon & 
Schuster executives, including Snyder, wrote me letter on September 12, 
saying:
 
     Remember one thing:  whatever perfidious efforts are/will be made 
against you--and S & S machinations notwithstanding--The Hoffa Wars will be 
read.  The word about The Teamsters will get out.  Your accomplishments have 
been significant, against formidable odds.      Still, I had some explaining 
to do to my own people.  Why did NBC and the Free Press, two places where I 
had worked, take the lead on Brill's book and ignore mine? 

     In short, both NBC and the Free Press believed that I was flying off 
walls with my suggestion that Carlos Marcello, Santo Trafficante, and Jimmy 
Hoffa had arranged and executed the murder of President Kennedy.
 
     Even Brill chimed into this matter, describing my 
Marcello-Trafficante-Hoffa theory as "total garbage," and adding, "I would be 
embarrassed to put that in the book."
 
     However, the U. S. House Select Committee on Assassations, which would 
come to the same conclusion I did a year after the publication of my book, 
disagreed.  
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
All My Relations.
Omnia Bona Bonis,
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End

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