-Caveat Lector- Witness to Sabra and Shatila: why Sharon is a war criminal 15 JUNE 2001 Dr. Ben Alofs http://metimes.com/2K1/issue2001-24/opin/witness_to_sabra.htm I am a Dutch doctor, currently living in north Wales. In the summer of 1982 I was working as a nurse in West Beirut, which at the time was being besieged by the Israeli army. The American negotiator Philip Habib had mediated an agreement, according to which the Israeli army would refrain from occupying West Beirut after the Palestinian fedayeen guerrillas had left. A second fundamental aspect of the agreement was that the United States would guarantee the security of the remaining Palestinian civilian population. The evacuation, supervised by an international peacekeeping force, went smoothly, and was completed on September 1, much earlier than September 26, the date that had been agreed on. The international peacekeeping force left between September 10 and 13. On September 3 the first violation of the Habib agreement took place when Israeli forces occupied Bir Hassan in the southern suburbs of Beirut. Before that, Israeli Defense Minister Ariel Sharon had stated he wanted the peacekeeping forces out of Beirut. After the assassination of Bashir Gemayel, the charismatic and ruthless leader of the Maronite Phalangist allies of Israel, Sharon ordered the invasion of West Beirut under the pretext of restoration of 'law and order'. Contrary to this statement, West Beirut was perfectly quiet at that moment. The invasion was a serious violation of the Habib agreement. But, most important, from the start of the occupation of West Beirut, the Israeli Army, being an occupation force under the Fourth Geneva Convention and Protocol 1, became responsible for the security of the civilian population under its control. Israeli journalists Zeev Schiff and Ehud Yaari describe how Sharon insisted on sending Phalangist militiamen into the Palestinian refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila (see Israel's Lebanon War). To accomplish this, Sharon had held meetings on September 15 with Elie Hobeika, Fadi Frem and Zahi Bustani (leaders of the militiamen) as well as with Amin and Pierre Gemayel, the political leaders of the Phalangist party. Sharon and the leaders of the Israeli army were very well aware of the mood of the Phalangists shortly after the murder of their leader and knew what would happen if they were let into the refugee camps. When the Tell Al Zaatar Palestinian refugee camp was captured by Christian militias in the summer of 1976, over 1000 civilians were slaughtered. Sharon gave the green light for the Phalangists to enter Sabra and Shatila. They did so at dusk on September 16. I was working in the Gaza Hospital in Sabra. Many wounded were carried into the hospital and our morgue was full within a short time. Most of the victims suffered bullet wounds, some had been hit by shrapnel. On September 17 it became clear that the Kataeb (Phalangists) and/or the militiamen of Saad Haddad (funded and armed by Israel) were slaughtering the civilian population. At night the murderers were assisted by Israeli flares. A 10-year-old boy was carried into the hospital. He had been shot, but was alive. He had spent the whole night wounded, lying under the dead bodies of his parents, brothers and sisters. I was working with a team of Scandinavian, British, American, Dutch and German doctors and nurses. We had insisted that the Palestinian hospital staff flee to the northern part of West Beirut. On Saturday morning September 18, we were forced by the Phalangists/Haddad militiamen to abandon our patients and leave Sabra and Shatila via the main road. We passed by hundreds of women, children and men who had been rounded up. We saw bodies in the road and the small alleyways. The militiamen shouted at us and called us Baader Meinhof, the German terrorist group. A Palestinian nurse who thought he would be safe with us, was identified and taken away behind a wall. A moment later came the gunshots. Just before we left the camp I saw an image that will forever be in my mind: a large mound of red earth with arms and legs sticking out. Alongside the mound stood an army bulldozer with Hebrew markings. Just outside the camp we were ordered to take off our hospital clothing and we were lined up against a wall. It was at that moment that an Israeli army officer drove up in an army vehicle. He saved our lives, ordering the militiamen to hand us over to the Israelis. Alongside the southern and western borders of the camps we saw Israeli tanks and halftracks. Eventually, two of us were permitted to go back to the hospital with a pass written in Hebrew and Arabic. There certainly was coordination between the Israelis and the militiamen. And not once did the Israeli military command try to respond to reports of killings by putting an end to the slaughter. Groups of civilians coming out of the camps with white flags were being sent back. Even on Saturday morning, September 18, when we were taken out of the camps, we saw fresh groups of Phalangist militiamen entering the camps under Israeli supervision. About 20 minutes after we had passed the large group of women, children and elderly in the main road of Sabra, we heard an orgy of machinegun fire. Swee, an orthopedic doctor, told me that a Palestinian mother had tried to give her baby to him, as if she knew what was going to happen. The baby was pulled out of Swee's hands and given back to her mother. On Sunday, September 19, I went back to Sabra and Shatila together with two Danish and a Dutch journalist. The Lebanese army had surrounded the camp and tried to keep journalists out. We found a way in. The Israelis had told the militiamen to leave the camps some time during Saturday. The militiamen had wreaked much more destruction and slaughter after we had been taken out of the camps on Saturday morning. We will never know exactly how many people were butchered during those terrible days of September 16-18 in 1982. 1500 perhaps? 2000? Or even more? ---------------------- SPY NEWS is OSINT newsletter and discussion list associated to Mario's Cyberspace Station http://mprofaca.cro.net/mainmenu.html ======================================================================== Sharon held responsible for 1982 Lebanese massacre on BBC programme LONDON, June 18 (AFP) - Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon should be held responsible for the 1982 massacre of Palestinians in Lebanon, according to a former International War Crimes Tribunal chief prosecutor. Speaking on a BBC television programme aired Sunday, Judge Richard Goldstone, former chief prosecutor for the UN criminal tribunals for both the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, said: "If the person who gave the command knows, or should know... that there's a situation where innocent civilians are going to be injured or killed then that person is as responsible, in my book more responsible even, than the people who carry out the orders". Sharon was Defence Minister in 1982 when Israeli forces invaded Lebanon and allowed their allies in the Lebanese Christian militias to massacre up to 2,000 people in the Sabra and Chatila refugee camps. and massacre up to 2,000 people. He resigned from his post as defence minister after a 1983 Israeli inquiry concluded that he had failed to act to prevent the massacre. "In the case of Sabra and Shatilla, clearly the Kahan Commission (which conducted the enquiry) found that very serious crimes had been committed and I have no doubt that any decent person would regret the fact that not a single criminal prosecution followed," Goldstone told the BBC programme, entitled "The Accused". Richard Falk, Professor of International Law at Princeton University, said on the same programme that Sharon was clearly responsible for the events of "There is no question in my mind that he is indictable for the knowledge he had or should have had. "Sharon's specific command responsibility arises from the fact that he was the minister of Defence in touch with the field commanders, that he actually was present there in Beirut, that he met with the Phalange leadership (the Christian militia which carried out the massacres)." Former Sharon lawyer Dov Weissglass, described the comments as "simply totally baseless". "This is an insult," Sharon spokesman Ranaan Gissen told the BBC. "What cries out is the injustice that is being done to a man here. After 18 years. A great injustice." On its website, the BBC reported that it had "rebuffed intense criticism from the Israeli Government" over the documentary. In its statement the BBC said it stood by the story, which it called "a legitimate analysis of a human rights issue". In January, before his landslide election as prime minister, Sharon expressed his regrets for what he said was a "terrible tragedy," but refused to apologise. "To apologise for what?" the 73-year-old former general told the Arab Israeli weekly newspaper Kul-al-Arab. -------------------------------------------------------------------- Kahan Commission found that no Israeli either instigated or conspired to cause the Sabra and Shatila massacres 14 February 2001 Michael Lerner begins his "The scary Sharon"(The Jerusalem Post Feb.14) with the assertion that Sharon's troops at the Sabra and Shatila massacres "only supervised, and didn't personally conduct the shooting of hundreds of civilians." As everyone knows, to `supervise' means "to oversee (a process, work, workers, etc.} during execution ... have the oversight and direction of" (American College Dictionary). There is not the slightest hint to that effect in the Report of the Kahan Commission which investigated the massacres. To the contrary, the Report stresses that the Commission's investigation found no reason for charges such as those made by Rabbi Lerner. Furthermore, the Kahan Commission found that no Israeli either instigated or conspired to cause the massacres: "We have no doubt that no conspiracy or plot was entered into between anyone from the Israeli political echelon or from the military echelon in the I.D.F. and the Phalangists with the aim of perpetrating atrocities in the camps ... We assert that in having the Phalangists enter the camps, no intention existed on the part of anyone who acted on behalf of Israel to harm the non-combatant population, and that the events that followed did not have the concurrence or assent of anyone from the political or civilian echelon who was active regarding the Phalangists' entry into the camps. . . . the direct responsibility for the perpetration of the acts of slaughter rests on the Phalangist forces " Source: The Beirut Massacre - The Complete Kahan Commission Report (authorized translation} Karz-Cohl Publishing,Inc.1983 {pp.54-55) The Commission found Sharon carried an "indirect responsibility" for the killings because he was not sufficiently aware of what should have been expected from the Lebanese Phalangists and did not take actions to prevent them. ============================================================================= " From Israel To Damascus The painful road of Blood, Betrayal and Deception " By Robert M. Hatem http://www.israeltodamascus.com/ [ end of chapter 7 ] On Tuesday September 14, 1982, at precisely 4:10 P.M, an explosion destroyed the three-story building that housed the main East Beirut branch of the Kataeb Party. Bashir Gemayel was inside the building for one last meeting with the party members and supporters. Bashir, the 34-year-old president-elect, nine days before he was due to take office for his six-year term, had grown careless in the prevalent euphoria of his newly acquired power and position. Oversight on Bashir Gemayel’s part and his new antagonism towards the Israelis, allowed his enemies to successfully attack and kill him. Bashir was careless. The Special Security Unit conducted by Elie Wazzen, alias «Abbas», who coordinated with H.K supplied Wazzen with information. Elie Wazzen profited during the year he commanded the unit, because he orchestrated all arms deals. The least he could do was to take good care of his «master» when the need arose! The explosion was reported a few minutes after it took place. Elie Hobeika dispatched me to inspect the premises. I was accompanied by the Israeli Liaison officer called «Mandy». As we struggled through the rubble, we saw bits of arms, legs, heads and shoulders strewn among the collapsed pillars. A gray-black cloud of dust and smoke billowed through the neighborhood. The street in front of the collapsed building was crammed with hysterical people crying and bellowing. Sheikh Bashir’s wife, Solange, arrived a few minutes after us. Karim Pakradouni, Gemayel’s close political adviser shuttled in his Range Rover between the explosion site, Rizk Hospital and Hotel Dieu before identifying the President -elect’s obliterated body. By 6:00 p.m., the tension had become unbearable. The rescue workers were trying to clear the rubble under arc lights. I was there with «Mandy» who could not keep from crying. A wave of hallucinations seemed to take hold of the crowd. Everybody, even the most noted international pressmen, dreamed they had seen an ambulance carrying Bashir away, an ambulance which, in fact, never existed except in their ravaged minds. Later, a helicopter flew overhead and was driven off by the random shooting. Rumors started circulating like a flash in the pan, when somebody in the panic-stricken and angry crowd shouted that it was an Israeli helicopter sent to take Bashir to a hospital in Israel. But none of this was true and we knew it. The Israelis had the confirmation of Bashir’s death long before the Lebanese forces did. They had the firm certitude at 8.30 p.m. while the Lebanese Forces command waited until Gemayel’s body was removed at 10:00 p.m. and carried by a Red Cross ambulance to the Hotel-Dieu. Collective hallucination mixed with mass hysteria and chaos blurred common sense. There, clamped down in front of the battered building, stood aghast rescue workers, family members, mentors, Kataeb party officials, members, supporters, friends, medical teams, military and militiamen. Instead of six years in office, Bashir, had only 23 days, but 23 days during which a myth was born. A myth that would soon become a stumbling block and an element of strife and conflict within the Christian ranks: Christian decision-makers, Lebanese forces, clans, Presidency. The assassination of Bashir Gemayel pushed his tough, ruthless and bloodthirsty lieutenants, and the Israelis into a hysterical rage and enraged them to vow vengeance. Sharon and Begin panicked. It is true that Bashir had disappointed them by turning down their peace treaty proposal, but they knew he would restore peace, law and order and shake off the Palestinian and Syrian tutelage. He was likely to bend in the end because with him they secured, at least a friendly Christian-dominated regime in Lebanon. In the meantime, Gemayel’s political adviser Karim Pakradouni, and the Lebanese Forces commander Fady Frem had in the meantime agreed to contain the militiamen. Shooting was prohibited. Meetings at the highest levels were held through the night. Beirut Radio, Kataeb Party’s Radio Voice of Lebanon, Bashir’s Radio Free Lebanon interrupted their usual programs and broadcast classical music without one single comment. The assassination of Bashir Gemayel destroyed the Christians ultimate dream. It sullied Israel’s honor, undermined American credibility and above all, ushered to an era of bloody inter-Christian feuds, treason and battles that led to the collapse of the power of the Lebanese Christian people who were burnt down by the leaders who took over. CHAPTER 8 On the morning of Wednesday, September 15, 1982, the Lebanese forces met at the Gemayel house in Bickfaya. The house was crammed with mourners, and the attendees decided to run Amin, Bashir’s brother, for the president. While all of Lebanon’s religious, political, military and civilian leaders and Minister Sharon and the Head of the Mossad passed through the room where condolences were extended, an invasion of West Beirut was being planned. It went off 12 hours later. In the afternoon of Wednesday September 15, 1982, Bashir’s military and Intelligence lieutenants met with the Israeli chief of Staff Lieutenant General Rafael Eitan, and Major General Amir Drori, in charge of the Lebanese operation. I was later told by Hobeika that there were about 2,000 PLO «terrorists» still hiding in the Sabra and Chatilla camps. Hobeika advised me that he was in charge of the organization of an operation to clear them out. He also disclosed that the Israeli forces had taken up positions in West Beirut and expected us to supervise the evacuation of the Palestinians from the camp. We were to sort out the armed terrorists and hand them over to the Israeli troops at the Cite Sportive, Al Madina Al Ryadieh, cleaned up and fixed to serve as a rally point. Meanwhile, the whole country stood breathless and at a standstill, half of it drowned in deep despair, and the other half paralyzed with fear. So ominous was the tragedy. Hobeika had 24 hours to prepare his elite key force composed of 200 men. The men were allotted in several units respectively under the command of Joseph Asmar, Michel Zouein, G. Melco, and Maroun Mashaalani. General Sharon besieged the camps and the Cite Sportive. By noon on Thursday, September 16, 1982, the «Shababs» started advancing through the Beirut Airport Road. By 4:30 p.m., the Lebanese Forces had crossed the Israeli lines surrounding the camps. Sharon had given strict orders to Hobeika to guard against any desperate move, should his men run amuck. They were to behave like a real dignified, regular army not like «chocolate soldiers» and coordinate with the Israeli command. Their mission was to exert pressure an the Palestinians to drive them all out of the camp, and pick out the PLO agents left behind after the evacuation of the Palestinians in August, 1982. They were rallied at the Cite Sportive and held prisoners. After inspection the civilians would be sent back to their homes. However, Hobeika gave his own instructions to his men: «Total extermination ... camps wiped out.» It was Maroun Mashaalani’s men, undaunted by their regular and immoderate use of heroine and cocaine who perpetrated the most ghastly slaughters in the camp bordering Ghaza Hospital at the entrance of Sabra. That is where foreign nurses and doctors were shot down in cold blood. The minute General Ariel Sharon had been informed that something odd and unwanted was going on, he summoned his commanding officers and Hobeika. At 7:30 p.m. on September 16, 1982, Hobeika and I arrived at General Ariel Sharon’s Headquarters. We climbed up to the terrace of the tall building next to the Kuweity Embassy. From there we could plunge right into the camp and have an overhead view. Besides the Israeli officers, Assaad Shaftari, Michel Zouein, Elie Hobeika «H.K.» and myself were poised and ready. The Israeli officers were jealous and filled with rage, blaming Hobeika for actually ordering the massacre of Palestinian civilians. Hobeika coldly retorted that it was because of the darkness he could not tell who they were. General Sharon, being too fat to climb up the flight of stairs, waited on the second floor to see Hobeika and have it out with him personally. The minute he saw him he roared out: «You were not supposed to do this. I didn’t ask you to commit massacres. If I wanted, I would have done so with my tanks. You’ll pay dearly for this blunder!» Hobeika replied that he would handle it with his men. Hobeika and I went back on the terrace. Hobeika got a walkie talkie message from a guy called «Paul» saying, «There are women and children, what should we do?» Hobeika answered, «It’s your lookout and don’t call me back again, you shit.» Hobeika, Zouein, Shaftari and I ran back down to the second story where an Israeli officer drew a map of the site with a piece of chalk on the floor, pointing to where the massacres were taking place. That is when we had confirmation that it was Maroun Machaalani’s unit which was involved at the entrance of Sabra Camp. Hobeika went back to report to General Sharon his account of events. General Sharon ordered his men to fire flares from that moment on until 4:00 a.m. to avoid a further blunder. It was too late. The harm was done. All the victims were civilians killed with grenades, hatchets, assault rifles, knives. Some of the corpses were even boobie-trapped. At around 6:00 a.m., the Lebanese Forces, arrived to inspect the butchery. Fadi Frem, Fuad Abou Nader, Steve Nakkour, Elie Hobeika and I inspected the premises. Hobeika instructed Nakkour, who was in charge of Logistics, to send tractors to clean up the camps and leave no traces of the massacres, wiping out incriminating evidence. The Israeli officers prevented the Lebanese Forces from getting into the camps with their chiefs. At 9:00 a.m., artillery fighting broke out between Maroun Mashaalani’s men and gunmen from Moslem shia Mekdad family members. The Mekdad families came to inquire about their relatives who were among the camp inhabitants. A Lebanese army officer ordered Mashaalani to get off to stop the skirmish. He complied. By now, news accounts of the massacres had leaked out. The reports became amplified, confused, and mixed-up. Some witnesses claimed that it was actually Major Saad Haddad’s men who had perpetrated the slaughter because of the South Lebanon accent. Not one single man from Saad Haddad’s Free Lebanon Army took part in the operation. The Christian militia was unchained and blinded by rage after the assassination of their Chief, President and martyr. Once again, the mastermind, Hobeika had toyed with the lives of young patriots, committing them to carry out reprehensible actions which could serve only Syria’s interests! It was the Syrians not the PLO who had never accepted Bashir’s election. It was later discovered and proven that Bashir’s actual assassin, Habib Tanios Shartuni, was a secret member of the pro-Syrian, anti-Kataeb Party, Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SNSP). The SNSP was represented by Assaad Hardane via Nabil Al Allam Chief of Intelligence and Security of the SNSP. Syrian Army Intelligence «conducted» by Ali Douba assisted Shartuni in providing and stashing the bomb. How could Hobeika claim that he had received orders to massacre the Palestinians from the Israelis? I did not know where his two ultra secret meetings with Abdul Halim Khaddam during the first half of 1982 fit in. I was Hobeika’s field man always present on the premises with my chief wherever he went. I can state under oath, that General Sharon would never have lit up the area the way he did had he planned for any butchery. He would not have cleaned up the Cite Sportive to house all the Palestinians pending their return to their homes after verification. He would not have placed his tanks and armored cars all around the camps to capture the remaining armed Palestinian agents. One thing was certain, the Syrians had their men within the ranks of Lebanese Forces leaders. Reflecting back on the events of my life, all the facts led me to believe that Hobeika was the man, who in 1982, provoked the Sabra and Chatilla massacres. This is my own assumption of what was behind it because there are no real facts to support my claim. After killing Bashir Gemayel, in secret coordination with the SNSP and Syria, I also suspected Hobeika was instrumental in the fall of the Likoud Government. Prime Minister Begin and General Sharon resigned, allowing the Labor Party in Israel to come to power. This rise reversed the process and destroyed everything the Likoud Government had worked to establish with the Lebanese Christians. Bashir’s death and the massacres were pivotal in the fall of the Likoud Government. It is alleged that Hobeika contributed to the destruction of the Likoud Government plan for Israel and Lebanon because of his participation in the events. While Syria was working for a new consensus with the United States, Hobeika became a pro-Syrian and a Hafez Assad hero. Hafez Assad personally placed a protective umbrella over Hobeika’s head to avert any assassination attempts on Hobeika’s life following the massacres of the Sabra and Chatilla camps. The assassination of Bashir and the attacks on Sabra and Chatilla also led to the fall of power for General Sharon and Prime Minister Begin. Hobeika’s actions changed the course of events. Israel lost power and Syria gained it. It was the same mechanism that destroyed the courageous Israeli Government’s plan to save Lebanon and restore peace through a solid and strong Christian state. Following Bashir’s death and the failed Likoud/Israeli plan, the United States then entered the Middle-East conflict with a new consensus and perspective different from the original Israeli perspective. The Labor Party took control of the Israel government and compromised the Lebanese Christians with Syria. Rabin stated many times, he would not mind for Syria to stay in Lebanon should Syria sign the peace treaty with Israel. When Netanyahu took office, the whole middle eastern peace plan changed. Five years after Hafez Assad kidnapped the American and western hostages through the Hizballah in Beirut, and released them later in Damascus. He did so to gain the blessings of the United States political power. The United States attempted to a deal with the Labor Party, headed by Rabin in Israel, Assad released 5,000 Syrians Jews from Damascus and authorized them to leave Syria and travel to the United States. The United States was blessing a naive peace between Rabin’s Israel and Syria. The Labor Party leaders believed this naive peace with Syria. Rabin backed by United States support sought a peaceful resolution to the Middle-East conflicts. What Hafez Assad and Syria wanted was the return of the Golan and Lebanon and to be in a position of strength in the balance of power in the Middle East. Assad was loosing time. The United States Secretary of State, Warren Christopher, traveled numerous times to the bargaining table to resolve the terms of the agreement, but was unsuccessful in his diplomatic attempts. He failed because Syria never believed in Israel. Assad was counting on a change that might occur with the New World Order, perhaps a new revolution with Russia that would topple the pro-United States regime and establish the Old Soviet Union, thus returning to the Cold War. Assad could then take a power position in the Arab-Israeli conflict. This never happened. The Labor Party failed to understand the ideology that prevailed in Damascus, a denial of Israel to «exist» as a Nation in the Middle-East. Therefore, the only peace that could dominate in the region was the peace through strength. Hobeika succeeded in playing Syria’s political game and Syria was fooling the United States of signing a peace treaty with Israel. The political perception of President Reagan for the Middle East was the best. Peace through strength. What Syria really wanted to do was waste time and swallow Lebanon for its own. By doing so, Syria gained economic and political strength in the region. On October 2, 1982, 17 days after the assassination of President Bashir Gemayel, the Kataeb Party Radio Voice of Lebanon announced that the man who perpetrated the outrage, the assassin, Habib Tanios Shartuni, age 26, was captured. Strange coincidence indeed, Shartuni, his sister and grandparents occupied the top floor of the small three-story building which accommodated the Kataeb Party’s Ashrafieh headquarters. A friend of mine, then in West Beirut, overheard two SNSP party leaders commenting that one of the greatest assets Hobeika gave to the Syrians was the Bashir story. One can only infer that Hobeika was behind Bashir’s assassination. Speculation of Hobeika’s participation in Bashir’s assassination was wide spread. Hobeika had been Syria’s man inside the Lebanese Forces. Hobeika had travel numerous times with Bashir. Hobeika made many contacts there, but it was speculated that he was secretly working for the Syrian interests. The last trip Bashir made to discuss the treaty, Bashir got into a verbal conflict with Prime Minister Begin. What followed was the Syrian leader’s plan to assassinate Bashir with the help of the SNSP. After the success of the operation, the leaders then devised a cover for the operation. It is reported that the Syrian Moukhabarat began circulating news that the Israelis had killed Bashir because he had gotten into a conflict with the Prime Minister Begin during their last visit in Naharia. The plan was to remove suspicion from the Syrians and color the Israelis with the crime. Many in Lebanon do not understand why Israel would kill a man they had devoted and invested so much time and energy into gaining peace for their country. The whole Israeli project was built on Bashir. When Syria succeeded in eliminating Bashir, the whole Israel plan for Lebanon was lost. There was no leader to fill Bashir’s place. Hobeika took advantage of the situation by averting the attention from the Bashir assassination to the massacres at Sabra and Chatilla. Everyone forgot the crime against Bashir and focused their attention on the camp massacres. It was well planned and successfully carried out. Following these events, the Likoud Government collapsed, Prime Minister Begin and General Sharon resigned. Alexander Haig, now the United States Secretary of State, was the man who gave his blessing to the «Peace Accord», who went home without any success. Everything in Israel collapsed and Syria was getting out of the game victorious following Bashir’s death. If Bashir had continued forward with his plans in Israel, Lebanon would have been the second State in the Middle East to sign the peace treaty with Israel after Egypt. This move would have ensured a friendly government to Israel in Lebanon. The Lebanese Forces were considered the Israeli mechanism in Lebanon, with the tripartite agreement and the Intifadas, Hobeika sliced the Lebanese Forces into two pieces and took the half of it to the Syrian side when he went to Zahleh. He converted them working for the Moukhabarat Sourieh sending car bombs and executing assassinations in the Christian enclave for Syria’s interest. Assad himself placed a protective umbrella over Hobeika because the Palestinians wanted to kill him and gave him a residence in Damascus and protection for the «favors» he did for Syria. ====================================== Sabra and Chatilla. Date: Mon, 26 Feb 2001 02:41:08 +0100 From: "INTELINK" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> VERY RIGHT !!! SYRIA WAS BEHIND KILLINGS AT SABRA AND CHATILLA This operation was mounted by the SECOND DESK of syrian secret services and the "MAKTAB el-KHAS", who are attached to the ministry of interior. They where, and they still, specialy mounted and trained for psycological operations and underground killing activities. Ali Dhadha WAS the boss of 2nd DESK and still now in the Syrian head of Secret Service. He was the brain of this operation to destabilize ISRAEL. THIS IS THE TRUE !!!! SHARON was NEVER implicated in those masacres. Jean-Paul NEY Journalist / Autor Webmaster of intelink.fr.st ------------------------------- Mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Site: http://www.intelink.fr.st Intelink.fr.st, tout sur le monde de l'espionnage, du renseignement, de la défense et du contre-terrorisme ------------------------------- Site du mois: http://www.iSecureLabs.com iSecureLabs.com, tout sur la sécurité informatique en français <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/";>www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please! 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