-Caveat Lector- > > Nezavisimaya Gazeta > > July 24, 2001 > > VALENTIN KUPTSOV: "THERE IS NO SENSE IN RENAMING THE COMMUNIST PARTY" > > The future of the Communist Party has again become a > fashionable subject. Shortly before the Genoa summit, President > Putin reminded the party of his idea to change its name for the > Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party (RSDRP). In fact, it > was a clear hint that the communists' methods of political > struggle have become obsolete. But the implementation of the > president's idea would call for changing the party's programme, > which entails the splitting of the "red" electorate and a fall > in the party's influence. Valentin KUPTSOV, first deputy > chairman of the Communist Party Central Committee, talks with > Anna ZAKATNOVA about the objective and subjective reasons for > which communists rejected the idea of transformation of the > communist party into a social democratic one. > > Question: The president suggesting changing the name of > the party, but you seem to be adamantly against the idea. At > the same time, the party leadership said more than once that it > is the successor of the Soviet Communist Party and hence the > successor of the Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party. > > Answer: It was not the first time Vladimir Putin mentioned > the idea. And we replied once again that the question is not > discussed in the party and will not be discussed in the next > ten years. They have been suggesting the idea since 1993. In > 1991-94, we actively discussed the possibility owing to the > shock effect of the developments on the party. When the > operation of the party was suspended, many timeserving ideas on > surviving in that situation and gaining legitimacy were > advanced. This is when the Socialist Workers' Party led by > Lyudmila Vartazarova and Roi Medvedev was created. It had over > 120,000 members. In other words, a roof was created under which > many communists worked without thinking of the name of the > organisation. It did not matter to them if it was called a > socialist or a communist party. > > We also pondered the idea in 1993 at the 2nd restoration > congress of the party, when we won the case heard by the > Constitutional Court, hoping to gain more freedom of action and > win over centrists. But the problem was buried in the past five > years. Parties are not renamed at the suggestion of presidents; > the idea should be born and grow within the party itself. But > none of the 18,000 primary cells suggested renaming the party. > This is why we will retain our name, which meets our policy > goals. And then, even if we change the name of the party, > nothing will be changed in the party itself. It will remain in > opposition to the authorities. > > Question: A change in the name would also entail changes > in the programme. When the president speaks about a potential > social-democratic future of the Communist Party, he probably > expresses the wishes of the bulk of society, which prefers > predictable stability. > > Answer: The Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party was a > good name for a party at the beginning of the past century. > Social democracy today has seriously transformed and the > experience of the past ten years shows that it is > insufficiently protecting the rights of hired labour, that it > limits social guarantees and strengthens the role of capital. > The image of social democrats has plummeted in the world, > especially after 13 social democratic governments supported > NATO and became accomplices to the bombing of Yugoslavia. Their > prestige dwindled even in their own countries. > > We will not give up our programme, which stipulates > several provisions that are very close to social democracy, > such as the recognition of the right to private property, the > right to political plurality, and a fundamentally new attitude > to religion. We differ from any social democratic party in the > West because the Communist Party believes that power must > belong to the people and not to oligarchs. Power belongs to > capital in the countries of social democracy, and in Russia, > too. In fact, capital has become part of power structures of > the state. > > Question: But your party is collaborating with > businessmen, too. > > Answer: It is one thing to collaborate and quite another > thing to hand power over to oligarchs. Why not support those > etatists who work in the interests of Russia now that the > country is being sold out to Western capital? This is the > situation now. > > And we will support Putin only when he works for Russia. But > when he goes against the interests of the majority, we don't > support him and protest against the land and tax codes and the > law on hard currency regulation. Because they do not stipulate > the priority of state interests and the interests of working > people. > > I think this is happening also because oligarchs have > grown stronger organisationally. Arkady Volsky's Russian Union > of Producers and Entrepreneurs is the politburo of oligarchic > capital, which is dictating conditions to the president. I > think that in these conditions the role of the opposition is to > consistently and resolutely protect the interests of the > popular majority. > > Question: There are quite a few social democratic parties > in Russia. Does the Communist Party have a chance to fit into > this overcrowded political niche? > > Answer: When advancing this idea, one should remember that > there is no social base for it. One should also take into > account the experience of creating such parties. There are > about 15 social democratic parties or socialist parties in > Russia, with such prominent members as Mikhail Gorbachev, > Konstantin Titov, Gavriil Popov, Martin Shakkum and Ivan > Rybkin. They seem to have set themselves a normal task of > creating a party; they are rallying funds, relying on the > capabilities of the Socialist International and establishing > broad international ties. But what is the result of all this? > They do not enjoy great prestige in society, as only about 1% > of the electorate vote for them all. > > The experience and practice of the social democratic movement > in Russia shows that the electorate does not trust it. > > Question: The electoral base of social democracy is > traditionally the nascent middle class, while you are supported > by semi-marginal groups of population. > > Answer: I don't envision stable development of social > democracy in Russia in the next few years because it does not > have the requisite social base. All social democratic parties > rely on the middle class. In our split society, there is barely > about a thousand oligarchs and 5-7% of the population who > service them, while some 60% of the population are impoverished > people with seriously impaired social guarantees. One can voice > any wishes, but society rejects social democracy now. The bulk > of society supports the Communist Party, the Liberal Democratic > Party, Fatherland, Unity, SPS and Yabloko. An artificially > grown social democracy will bring nothing. > <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/";>www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis- directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply. 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