-Caveat Lector-
This is a very good article as far as it goes. I would question
the figure of only 50,000 civilian deaths, however, as that seems
only a fraction of what actually occurred. I believe this must not
be counting the deaths from starvation and exposure to the elements
and lack of medical care. The cemeteries say more women and
children died during those years than men killed but that is
confusing because of battlefield burials, etc. I live very near
Paint Rock and this is verified by local history but was not
considered unusual. Rather, it was normal and standard practice for
tithe region and troops involved.
Other documented atrocities include the death of Robert Scott the
founder of Scottsboro with its own legal legacy by his being forced
to pull a wagon load of US soldiers as punishment for not having
horses for them. He was whipped with a horse whip and made to pull
the wagon until the elderly man dropped dead amid jeers of the US
contingent on board the wagon. This was done in public and full
view of the residents of the area. No need for secrecy at the time
for it was standard fare throughout the South.
Also, no account of atrocities against the Southern civilian
population is complete without quoting U.S. Gen Butler's
legalization of the rape of the women of New Orleans, both black
and white and what happened when the adult women were hidden by
their families, etc. The gang rape of little girls, legally, is
well documented and a part of the big cover up of an era that has
been completely rewritten by 'historians' to conceal what really
happened. Such heroes!
I think this contributed mightily to black people staying in the
South following the War of Northern Aggression for they saw for
themselves the true face of those waging war to 'free' them. Well,
free them if they did not kill or rape them first.
Why are these actions on such a massive scale not war crimes? Why
are statues erected to these barbarians to this day? The fairy
tales fabricated to cover this period must have done a good job for
most people chose to remain in denial to this day.
~Amelia~
----- Original Message -----
From: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Sunday, August 26, 2001 10:15 AM
Subject: [CTRL] Lincolns Culture of Death
-Caveat Lector-
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From: "M.A. Johnson" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <Recipient list suppressed>
Subject: Lincoln's Culture of Death
Date: Wednesday, August 22, 2001 9:59 PM
~~for educational purposes only~~
[Title 17 U.S.C. section 107]
Lincoln's Culture of Death
by Thomas J. DiLorenzo
The most absurd myth about Abraham Lincoln to emerge
from the Claremont Institute, where such myth-making
has apparently become a cottage industry, is the
notion that Lincoln showed us all how to oppose the
"culture of death," as Pope John Paul calls the
abortion culture. That's how Seth Leibsohn of Empower
America (Jack Kemp's outfit) put it in a recent
Institute publication. Pro-life champion Joseph
Sobran "breaks my heart," wrote Leibsohn, when he
criticizes Lincoln, as he has done in numerous
columns in LewRockwell.com.
This, and so many other statements made by Claremont
Institute scholars about Lincoln, is a sheer absurdity.
Lincoln wanted a bloody war and the reason he wanted it
had little or nothing to do with slavery. As he stated
over and over again, his overriding objective was to
destroy once and for all the system of federalism and
states' rights that the founding fathers had created
as a check on the centralizing tendencies of the state.
He didn't put it this way, of course, but instead used
the deceptive language of "saving the Union." But holding
any union together at gunpoint destroys it by destroying
its voluntary and consensual nature. Lincoln only
"saved" the Union in a geographical sense.
Before Fort Sumter the Confederate government had
commissioners in Washington, DC, who were prepared to
offer to pay for all federal property in the Southern
states and to assume the South's share of the public
debt. Lincoln rebuffed them.
Napoleon III of France offered to mediate the dispute
and he, too, was ignored. Lincoln wanted a war. He cleverly
maneuvered the South into firing the first shot at Fort
Sumter, where no one was hurt or killed. Even though he
had sent warships to the fort, they did not return fire
because their mission to draw an attack had already
been accomplished. After Fort Sumter Lincoln thanked Naval
Commander Gustavus Fox for helping him orchestrate the
attack and to generate Northern support for a war.
In what has to be the biggest political miscalculation
in all of American history, Lincoln believed that his
war would last only a few months, after which he and the
Republican Party could implement their 1860 platform of
protectionist tariffs, nationalized banking, and corporate
welfare for the railroad industry without opposition.
Being unfamiliar with military matters and personnel,
he failed to anticipate the likes of generals Robert
E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson, J.E.B. Stuart, and Nathan
Bedford Forrest.
Lincoln's war ended up costing 620,000 battlefield deaths
along with the death of some 50,000 Southern civilians,
including thousands of slaves who perished in the federal
army's bombardment of Southern cities and because of its
devastation of the Southern economy. By 1865 the Lincoln
government had killed one out of every four Southern
white males between the ages of 20 and 40.
To put these numbers in perspective, standardizing for
today's population of 280 million, that would be roughly
the equivalent of 5 million deaths about 100 times
the number of Americans who died in the ten-year Vietnam
War.
Lincoln famously micromanaged the war effort. Historian
James McPherson writes of how he spent more time in the
War Department's telegraph office than anywhere else,
and spent 41 days in the field with the Army of the
Potomac. He was fully in charge as the commander in chief,
and orchestrated the mass killing for four years. His
favorite general, Ulysses S. Grant, was made top commander
of the army because of his willingness to send tens of
thousands of men into a slaughter pen, as he did in the
Battle of the Wilderness and elsewhere.
From the very beginning, Lincoln's war strategy involved
waging war on Southern civilians despite the fact that
such tactics were denounced by the Geneva Convention of
1863 and even by Lincoln's own military code (the "Lieber
Code," named after its author, Columbia University law
professor Francis Lieber). Federal soldiers plundered
and pillaged their way through the South for four years.
In 1861 federal commanders began taking civilians hostage
and sometimes shooting them in retaliation for Confederate
guerrilla attacks. As Colonel John Beatty warned the
residents of Paint Rock, Alabama: "Every time the
telegraph wire is cut we would burn a house; every time
a train was fired upon we would hang a man; and we would
continue to do this until every house was burned and every
man hanged between Decatur and Bridgeport." The town of
Paint Rock was burned to the ground.
In 1862 General John Pope declared that all Southern men
who remained within the federal army's lines (mostly
elderly men) and who wished to remain in their homes must
take a loyalty oath to the federal government (i.e.,
to the Lincoln administration). Anyone taking such an
oath who was later suspected of being "disloyal" would
be shot. In New Orleans, General Benjamin Butler hanged
a man for taking down a US flag. Butler was also one of
Lincoln's favorite generals.
Early in the war the towns of Randolph, Tennessee, and
Jackson and Meridian, Mississippi, were burned to the
ground by General William Tecumseh Sherman, who declared
that to all secessionists, women and children included,
"death is mercy." The bombardment of cities was considered
beyond the bounds of international law and morality in
the 1860s, but Lincoln paid no attention to such
restrictions. Sherman, of course, was his second
favorite general next to Grant.
During the bombardment of Atlanta Sherman's chief
engineer, Captain O.M. Poe, implored Sherman to stop the
bombing of the undefended city because of the grotesque
spectacle of the corpses of women and children in the
streets. Sherman coldly told him that such scenes were
exactly what he wanted. After destroying 90 percent of
the city the federal army evicted all the remaining
residents from their homes just as winter was settling
in.
Sherman's (and Lincoln's) strategy (which McPherson
calls "brilliant") was to terrorize the civilian population.
For example, in 1864 Sherman wrote to a subordinate, General
Louis D. Watkins: "Send over about Fairmount and Adairsville
[Georgia], burn ten or twelve houses of known secessionists,
kill a few at random, and let it be known that it
will be repeated every time a train is fired upon ...."
After Sherman completed his "March to the Sea" he met
with Lincoln and Grant on the James River in Virginia.
"Lincoln wanted to know about Sherman's marches," writes
Sherman biographer John F. Marzalek, "particularly
enjoying stories about the bummers," as Sherman's
plundering and pillaging soldiers were called.
Lincoln's culture of death continued after the war. Just
three months after Appomattox General Sherman was put in
charge of the Military District of the Missouri and
instructed to kill or capture all the Plains Indians,
which would be accomplished over the next twenty-five
years. Sherman instructed the federal army that "During
an assault [on an Indian village] the soldiers can not
pause to distinguish between male and female, or even
to discriminate as to age." As John Marzalek writes,
"Sherman viewed the Indians as he viewed recalcitrant
Southerners during the war and the newly freed people
after: resisters to the legitimate forces of an orderly
society."
Lincoln's overall war strategy, known as the "Anaconda
Plan," was an attack on Southern civilians as much as
a war strategy. Devised by the elderly General Winfield
Scott, the idea was to blockade all the Southern ports
and inland waterways so as to starve out the population,
among other things. Even drugs and medicines were on
Lincoln's list of goods that were to be confiscated
from ships headed for Southern cities during the war.
There seems to be no limit to the extent to which
historians will go to maintain the Lincoln Myth. In
the book On the Road to Total War, edited by Stig
Forster and Jorg Nagler, Mark Neely, the curator of
the Lincoln Museum in Illinois, states that the concept
of total war "breaks down the distinction between
soldiers and civilians" but denies that Lincoln waged
total war. Sherman and other federal generals "waged
war the same way most Victorian gentlemen did," writes
Neely, and "other Victorian gentlemen in the world
knew it." Total war, according to Neely, was just not
Sherman's cup of tea. The editors of the book in which
Neely's essay appears couldn't help but comment that
Neely seemed to be writing about a different war than
the other thirty-one authors in the volume.
Contrary to the views of Neely and the Claremont
Institute, Lincoln introduced to the world a horrible
culture of death by waging the bloodiest war in human
history up to that point; refusing to consider any kind
of negotiated settlement, even one that would have
freed the slaves; and waged war against innocent civilians.
Lincoln's war settled once and for all the question of
who would interpret the Constitution. It would no longer
be the people of the sovereign states, but what Jefferson
called the "black-robed deities" of the Supreme Court.
Pro-life supporters at the Claremont Institute are
supremely disingenuous and self-contradictory when
they champion the Lincoln Myth on the one hand, while
complaining about Roe v. Wade and other Supreme Court
fabrications on the other. Without Lincoln's war,
Roe v. Wade would never have occurred. This point is
clearly understood by abortion advocates such as Columbia
University law professor George P. Fletcher. In his book,
Our Secret Constitution, he praises Lincoln precisely
because his war, and the post-war amendments to the
Constitution put into place by the Republican Party,
allowed this kind of judicial tyranny to occur.
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