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The following was found in the text section of the Congressional Record at
http://thomas.loc.gov and it is so new, the legislation itself has not yet
been posted on the Thomas bill section.

--Henrietta

INTRODUCTION OF THE MONETARY FREEDOM AND ACCOUNTABILITY ACT -- HON. RON PAUL
(Extensions of Remarks - February 14, 2002)


[Page: E162]  GPO's PDF
---

HON. RON PAUL
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 13, 2002

Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise to introduce the Monetary Freedom and
Accountability Act. This simple bill takes a step toward restoring
[Page: E163]  GPO's PDF
Congress' constitutional authority over the monetary policy of the United
States by requiring Congressional approval before the President or the
Treasury Secretary buys or sells gold.

Federal dealings in the gold market have the potential to seriously disrupt
the free market by either artificially inflating or deflating the price of
gold. Given gold's importance to America's (and the world's) monetary system,
any federal interference in the gold market will have ripple effects through
the entire economy. For example, if the government were to intervene to
artificially lower the price of gold, the result would be to hide the true
effects of an inflationary policy until the damage was too severe to remain
out of the public eye.

By artificially deflating the price of gold, federal actions in the gold
market can reduce the values of private gold holdings, adversely effecting
millions of investors. These investors rely on their gold holdings to protect
them from the effects of our misguided fiat currency system. Federal dealings
in gold can also adversely affect those countries with large gold mines, many
of which are currently ravished by extreme poverty. Mr. Speaker, restoring a
vibrant gold market could do more than any foreign aid program to restore
economic growth to these areas.

While the Treasury denies it is dealing in gold, the Gold Anti-Trust Action
Committee (GATA) has uncovered evidence suggesting that the Federal Reserve
and the Treasury, operating through the Exchange-Stabilization Fund and in
cooperation with major banks and the International Monetary Fund, have been
interfering in the gold market with the goal of lowering the price of gold.
The purpose of this policy has been to disguise the true effects of the
monetary bubble responsible for the artificial prosperity of the 1990s and to
protect the politically-powerful banks who are heavily invested in gold
derivatives. GATA believes federal actions to drive down the price of gold
help protect the profits of these banks at the expense of investors,
consumers, and taxpayers around the world.

GATA has also produced evidence that American officials are involved in gold
transactions. Alan Greenspan himself referred to the federal government's
power to manipulate the price of gold at a hearing before the House Banking
Committee and the Senate Agricultural Committee in July, 1998: ``Nor can
private counterparties restrict supplies of gold, another commodity whose
derivatives are often traded over-the-counter, where central banks stand
ready to lease gold in increasing quantities should the price rise.''
[Emphasis added].

Mr. Speaker, in order to allow my colleagues to learn more about this issue,
I am enclosing ``All that Glitters is Not Gold'' by Kelly Patricia O'Meara,
an investigative reporter from Insight magazine. This article explains in
detail GATA's allegations of Federal involvement in the gold market.

Mr. Speaker, while I certainly share GATA's concerns over the effects of
federal dealings in the gold market, my bill in no way interferes with the
ability of the federal government to buy or sell gold. It simply requires
that before the executive branch engages in such transactions, Congress has
the chance to review it, debate it, and approve it.

Given the tremendous effects on the American economy from the federal
dealings in the gold market, it certainty is reasonable that the people's
representatives have a role in approving these transactions, especially since
Congress has an all-too-neglected Constitutional role in overseeing monetary
policy. Therefore, I urge all my colleagues to stand up for sound economics,
open government and Congress' constitutional role in monetary policy by
cosponsoring the Monetary Freedom and Accountability Act.

[Insight Magazine, March 4, 2002]
ALL THAT GLITTERS IS NOT GOLD
(By Kelly Patricia O'Meara)
Even though Enron employees and the company's accounting firm, Arthur
Andersen, have destroyed mountains of documents, enough information remains
in the ruins of the nation's largest corporate bankruptcy to provide a clear
picture of what happened to wreck what once was the seventh-largest U.S.
corporation.

Obfuscation, secrecy, and accounting tricks appear to have catapulted the
Houston-based trader of oil and gas to the top of the Fortune 100, only to be
brought down by the same corporate chicanery. Meanwhile, Wall Street analysts
and the federal government's top bean counters struggle to convince the
nation that the Enron crash is an isolated case, not in the least reflective
of how business is done in corporate America.

But there are many in the world of high finance who aren't buying the
official line and warn that Enron is just the first to fall from a shaky
house of cards.

Many analysts believe that this problem is nowhere more evident than at the
nation's bullion banks, and particularly at the House of Morgan (J.P. Morgan
Chase). One of the world's leading banking institutions and a major
international bullion bank, Morgan Chase has received heavy media attention
in recent weeks both for its financial relationships with bankrupts Enron and
Global Crossing Ltd. as well as the financial collapse of Argentina.

It is no secret that Morgan Chase was one of Enron's biggest lenders,
reportedly losing at least $600 million and, perhaps, billions. The banking
giant's stock has gone south, and management has been called before its
shareholders to explain substantial investments in highly speculative
derivatives--hidden speculation of the sort that overheated and blew up on
Enron.

In recent years Morgan Chase has invested much of its capital in derivatives,
including gold and interest-rate derivatives, about which very little
information is provided to shareholders. Among the information that has been
made available, however, is that as of June 2000, J.P. Morgan reported nearly
$30 billion of gold derivatives and Chase Manhattan Corp., although merged
with J.P. Morgan, still reported separately in 2000 that it had $35 billion
in gold derivatives. Analysts agree that the derivatives have exploded at
this bank and that both positions are enormous relative to the capital of the
bank and the size of the gold market.

It gets worse. J,P. Morgan's total derivatives position reportedly now stands
at nearly $29 trillion, or three times the U.S. annual gross domestic
product. Wall Street insiders speculate that if the gold market were to rise,
Morgan Chase could be in serious financial difficulty because of its ``short
positions'' in gold. In other words, if the price of gold were to increase
substantially, Morgan Chase and other bullion banks that are highly leveraged
in gold would have trouble covering their liabilities. One financial analyst,
who asked not to be identified, explained the situation this way: ``Gold is
borrowed by Morgan Chase from the Bank of England at 1 percent interest and
then Morgan Chase sells the gold on the open market, then reinvests the
proceeds into interest-bearing vehicles at maybe 6 percent.

At some point, though, Morgan Chase must return the borrowed gold to the Bank
of England, and if the price of gold were significantly to increase during
any point in this process, it would make it prohibitive and potentially
ruinous to repay the gold.''

Bill Murphy, chairman of the Gold Anti-Trust Action Committee, a nonprofit
organization that researches and studies what he calls the ``gold cartel''
(J.P. Morgan Chase, Deutsche Bank, Citigroup, Goldman Sachs, Bank for
International Settlements (BIS), the U.S. Treasury, and the Federal Reserve),
and owner of www.LeMetropoleCafe.com, tells Insight that ``Morgan Chase and
other bullion banks are another Enron waiting to happen.'' Murphy says,
``Enron occurred because the nature of their business was obscured, there was
no oversight and someone was cooking the books. Enron was deceiving everyone
about their business operations--and the same thing is happening with the
gold and bullion banks.''

According to Murphy, ``The price of gold always has been a barometer used by
many to determine the financial health of the United States. A steady gold
price usually is associated by the public and economic analysts as an
indication or a reflection of the stability of the financial system. Steady
gold; steady dollar. Enron structured a financial system that put the company
at risk and eventually took it down. The same structure now exists at Morgan
Chase with their own interest-rate/gold-derivatives position. There is very
little information available about its position in the gold market and, as
with the case of Enron, it could easily bring them down.''

In December 2000, attorney Reginald H. Howe, a private investor and
proprietor of the Website www.goldensextant.com, which reports on gold, filed
a lawsuit in the U.S. District Court in Boston. Named as defendants were J.P.
Morgan & Co., Chase Manhattan Corp., Citigroup Inc., Goldman Sachs Group
Inc., Deutsche Bank, Lawrence Summers (former secretary of the Treasury),
William McDonough (president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York), Alan
Greenspan (chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System),
and the BIS.

Howe's claim contends that the price of gold has been manipulated since 1994
``by conspiracy of public officials and major bullion banks, with three
objectives: 1) to prevent rising gold prices from sounding a warning on U.S.
inflation; 2) to prevent rising gold prices from signaling weakness in the
international value of the dollar; and 3) to prevent banks and others who
have funded themselves through borrowing gold at low interest rates and are
thus short physical gold from suffering huge losses as a consequence of
rising gold prices.''

While all the defendants flatly deny participation in such a scheme, Howe's
case is being heard. Howe tells Insight he has provided the court with very
compelling evidence to support his claim, including sworn testimony by
Greenspan before the House Banking Committee in July 1998. Greenspan assured
the committee, ``Nor can private counterparties restrict supply of gold,
another commodity whose derivatives are often traded over the counter, where
central banks stand ready to lease gold in increasing quantities should the
price rise.'' Howe and other ``gold bugs'' cite this as a virtual public
announcement ``that the price of gold had been and would continue to be
controlled if necessary.''

According to Howe, ``There is a great deal of evidence, but this is a very
complicated

[Page: E164]  GPO's PDF
issue. The key, though, is the short position of the banks and their gold
derivatives. The central banks have `leased' gold for low returns to the
bullion banks for the purpose of keeping the price of gold low. Greenspan's
remarks in 1998 explain how the price of gold has been suppressed at times
when it looked like the price of gold was increasing.''
Furthermore, Howe's complaint also cites remarks made privately by Edward
George, governor of the Bank of England and a director of the BIS, to
Nicholas J. Morrell, chief executive of Lonmin Plc: ``We looked into the
abyss if the gold price rose further. A further rise would have taken down
one or several trading houses, which might have taken down all the rest in
their wake. Therefore, at any price, at any cost, the central banks had to
quell the gold price, manage it. It was very difficult to get the gold price
under control, but we have now succeeded. The U.S. Fed was very active in
getting the gold price down. So was the U.K. [United Kingdom].''

Whether the Fed and others in the alleged ``gold cartel'' have conspired to
suppress the price of gold may, in the end, be secondary to the growing need
for financial transparency. Wall Street insiders agree that as long as
regulators, analysts, accountants, and politicians can be lobbied and
``corrupted'' to permit special privileges, there will be more Enron-size
failures.

Securities and Exchange Commission Chairman Harvey L. Pitt, well aware of the
seriousness of these problems, recently testified before the House Financial
Services Committee that ``it is my hope there are not other Enrons out there,
but I'm not willing to rely on hope.''

Robert Maltbie, chief executive officer of www.stockjock.com and an
independent analyst, long has followed Morgan Chase. He tells Insight that
``there are a lot of things going on in these companies, but we don't know
for sure because much of what they're doing is off the balance sheet. The
market is scared and crying out to see what's under the hood. Like Enron,
much of what the banks are doing is off the balance sheet, and it's a time
bomb ticking as we speak.''

Just what would happen if a bank the size of Morgan Chase were unable to meet
its financial obligations? ``It's tough to go there,'' Maltbie says,
``because it could shake the financial markets to the core.''





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