-Caveat Lector-

-----Original Message-----
From: Gloria Delaplain [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]
Sent: Saturday, April 20, 2002 10:02 PM
To: Powell, Sec. Colin; Paul, Rep. Ron; Hutchison, Sen. Kay Bailey; Gramm,
Sen. Phil; Bush, Pres. George W.
Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [AL-AWDA-News] Avi Shlaim Article

America must see that Sharon is the problem

 The Middle East conflict cannot be resolved while the Israelis are
 led by a man who sees military force as the only instrument of
 policy.

 By Avi Shlaim

 The Observer
 April 14, 2002

 When running for Prime Minister in February of last year, Ariel
 Sharon, Israel's ferocious hawk, tried to reinvent himself as a man
 of peace. Against the background of the al-Aqsa intifada, which he
 had helped to trigger by his provocative visit to Haram al-Sharif
 (Temple Mount), he ran on a ticket of peace with security. In his
 first year in power, Sharon has achieved neither peace nor security
 but only a steady escalation of the violence. In the last two weeks
 Sharon has revealed himself once again as a man wedded to military
 force as the only instrument of policy.

 The 74 year-old Israeli leader has been at the sharp end of
 confrontation with the Arabs for most of his life. The hallmarks of
 his career are mendacity, the most savage brutality towards Arab
 civilians, and a persistent preference for force over diplomacy to
 solve political problems. These features found their clearest
 expression in the invasion of Lebanon in 1982 which Sharon
 masterminded as defence minister in Menachem Begin's Likud
 government.

 The war that Sharon is currently waging on the West Bank,
 fraudulently named 'Operation Defensive Shield', is in some ways a
 replay of his war in Lebanon. It is directed against the Palestinian
 people; it stems from the same stereotypes that the Palestinians are
 terrorists; it is based on the same denial of Palestinian national
 rights; it employs the same strategy of savage and overwhelming
 military force; and it displays the same callous disregard for
 international opinion, international law, the UN, and the norms of
 civilised behaviour. Even the principal personalities are the same:
 today, as in 1982, Ariel Sharon confronts Yasser Arafat.

 The invasion of Lebanon was not a defensive war but a war of
 deception. Sharon obtained cabinet approval for a limited military
 operation against the PLO forces in southern Lebanon. From the
 beginning, however, he planned a much bigger operation to serve
 broader geostrategic aims. The principal objective of Sharon's war
 was to destroy the PLO as a military and political organisation, to
 break the backbone of Palestinian nationalism, to spread despair and
 despondency among the inhabitants of the West Bank, and to pave the
 way to its absorption into Greater Israel. A second objective was to
 give Israel's Maronite allies a leg-up to power, and then compel
 them to sign a peace treaty with Israel. A third objective was to
 expel the Syrian army from Lebanon and to make Israel the dominant
 power in the Levant.

 Under Sharon's devious direction, an operation that was supposedly
 undertaken in self-defence developed into a merciless siege of
 Beirut and culminated in a horrendous massacre in the Palestinian
 refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila which led to the removal of
 Sharon from the ministry of defence.

 In his crude but relentless propaganda war, Sharon tries to portray
 Arafat as the master terrorist who orchestrates the violence against
 Israel and secretly encourages suicide bombings by Hamas, Islamic
 Jihad, and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade. To be sure, Arafat is not
 above using violence. Nor has he done as much as he could to curb
 the activities of the Islamic militants. Yet Arafat is the leader
 who persuaded his movement to abandon armed struggle and adopt the
 political path in the struggle for independence. By signing the Oslo
 Accord in 1993, and clinching it with a hesitant handshake, he and
 Yitzhak Rabin undertook to resolve the outstanding differences
 between their two nations by peaceful means. Until the assassination
 of Rabin two years later, Arafat proved himself an effective partner
 on the road to peace. The subsequent decline of the Oslo peace
 process was caused more by Israeli territorial expansionism than by
 Palestinian terrorism. Israeli settlements on the West Bank, which
 Sharon's government continues to expand, are the root of the
 problem.

 Ever the opportunist, Sharon was quick to jump on the bandwagon of
 America's 'war against terror' in the aftermath of 11 September.
 Under this banner, Sharon has embarked on a sinister attempt to
 destroy the infrastructure of a future Palestinian state. His real
 agenda is to subvert what remains of the Oslo accords, to smash the
 Palestinians into the ground, and to extinguish hope for
 independence and statehood. To add insult to injury, he wants to
 remove Yasser Arafat, the democratically elected leader and symbol
 of the Palestinian revolution, and to replace him with a
 collaborationist regime which would serve as a sub-contractor
 charged with upholding Israeli security.

 What Sharon is unable or unwilling to comprehend is that security
 cannot be achieved by purely military means. The only hope of
 security for both communities lies in a return to the political
 track, something that the champion of violent solutions has always
 avoided. Consequently, Sharon's second war, like his first, is
 doomed to failure. If the history of this conflict teaches anything,
 it is that violence breeds more violence.

 Many people who do not necessarily support Sharon's brutal methods
 nevertheless have sympathy for Israel's predicament. They point out
 that the suicide bombs against innocent Israeli civilians pre-dated
 the incursion of Israeli tanks into West Bank towns and villages.
 Israel's illegal occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, however, goes
 back to 1967 and constitutes the underlying cause of Palestinian
 frustration, hatred, and despair of which the suicide bombs are only
 the cruelest manifestation. They say that Hamas and Islamic Jihad
 deny altogether Israel's right to exist. These are, however, the
 extremist fringes. The savage treatment meted out by Sharon to the
 Palestinians is self-defeating precisely because it undermines
 moderates and strengthens extremists.

 One of the most disturbing aspects of the current crisis is
 America's complicity in the Israeli onslaught. One might have
 expected George Bush Jr. to resume the even-handed policy of his
 father towards Arabs and Israelis. Instead, he has reverted to a
 blatantly pro-Israeli policy reminiscent of the Reagan years.
 Although America is a signatory to the Oslo Accord, Bush has
 abandoned the Palestinian side.

 Sharon is holding Arafat hostage in his headquarters in Ramallah,
 depriving him of food, water, medicines and telephone lines. The
 only concession that the American President has managed to extract
 from the truculent Israeli Prime Minister is a promise not to kill
 the Palestinian leader. The Israelis have destroyed much of Arafat's
 police force and security services, leaving him with a mobile phone.
 Under these conditions the embattled Palestinian leader does not
 have the means to prevent suicide attacks even if he had the will to
 do so.

 In an apparent reversal of American policy a week ago, President
 Bush called on Sharon to pull out his troops from the Palestinian
 towns and villages. Sharon insisted they would stay as long as
 necessary to accomplish their mission of uprooting the
 infrastructure of terror. Secretary of State Colin Powell was
 dispatched to the region to broker a ceasefire and restore the
 political track. He is unlikely to get far with Sharon unless he
 backs up his words with the threat to cut economic and military aid
 to Israel. The death toll in 'Operation Defensive Shield' is more
 than 200 Palestinians and 60 Israelis. How many more lives will have
 to be sacrificed before the Americans understand that General Sharon
 is part of the problem, not the solution?

  Avi Shlaim is a professor of International Relations at Oxford and
 the author of The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (2000)

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