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---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Sun, 30 Jun 2002 14:31:51 EDT From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: SNET: Has Communism Infiltrated The Federal Government? -> SNETNEWS Mailing List In a message dated 6/30/02 10:29:08 AM Central Daylight Time, [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes: > Socialism leads to Communism See chart (toggle down) on this site: <A >HREF="http://dsausa.org/archive/Docs/DTH.html#mike";> > http://dsausa.org/archive/Docs/DTH.html#mike</A> > > I have a list of 53 card carrying members of Congress belonging to the DSA. > with their Congressional addresses, Websites, and email addresses: > (attached). Why isn't the FBI checking out these people? > > Is there any reason why everything having to do with God is being removed > from our society? > >> >> Subject: Has Communism Infiltrated The Federal Government? >> >> >> Has Communism infiltrated the Federal Government? You might be surprised! >> >> The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) is the largest socialist >> organization in the United States, and the principal U.S. affiliate of the >> Socialist International. DSA's members are building progressive movements >> for social change while establishing an openly socialist presence in >> American communities and politics. Communism is alive and well in America! >> >> >> "Democracy is indispensable to socialism." - V.I. Lenin >> >> "Democracy is the road to socialism." - Karl Marx >> >> "The goal of socialism is communism." - V.I. Lenin >> >> The Progressive Caucus of the US House of Representatives is made up of >> more than 50 members of the House. The Caucus works to advance economic >> and social justice through sponsoring legislation that reflects its >> purpose. The Caucus also works with a coalition of organizations, called >> the Progressive Challenge, to bring new life to the progressive voice in >> US politics. >> >> The last report I was able to retrieve on members names from the DSA's web >> site in April 1999 included the following members of Congress. >> Rep. Earl Hilliard (AL-07), Rep. Eni Faleomavaega (AS-AL), Rep. Ed Pastor >> (AZ-02), >> Rep. Lynn C. Woolsey (CA-06), Rep. George Miller (CA-07), Rep. Nancy >> Pelosi (CA-08), >> Rep. Fortney "Pete" Stark (CA-13), Rep. Henry A. Waxman (CA-29), >> Rep Julian C. Dixon (CA-32), Rep. Xavier Becerra (CA-30), >> Rep. Esteban Edward Torres (CA-34), Rep. Maxine Waters (CA-35), >> Rep. George E. Brown (CA-42), Rep. Bob Filner (CA-50), Rep. Diane DeGette >> (CO-01), >> Rep. Eleanor Holmes Norton (DC-AL), Rep. Corrine Brown (FL-03), >> Rep. Carrie P. Meek (FL-17), Rep. Alcee L. Hastings (FL-23), >> Rep. Cynthia A. Mckinney (GA-04), Rep. John Lewis (GA-05), Rep. Neil >> Abercrombie (HI-02) >> Rep. Patsy Mink (HI-02), Rep. Jesse Jackson (IL-02), Rep. Luis Gutierrez >> (IL-04), >> Rep. Danny Davis (IL-07), Rep. Lane Evans (IL-17), Rep. Julia Carson >> (IN-10), >> Rep. John Olver (MA-01), Rep. Jim McGovern (MA-03), Rep Barney Frank >> (MA-04), >> Rep. John Tierney (MA-06), Rep. David Bonior (MI-10), Rep. Lynn N. Rivers >> (MI-13), >> Rep. John Conyers (MI-14), Rep. Bennie G. Thompson (MS-02), Rep. Melvin L. >> Watt (NC-12), >> Rep. Donald Payne (NJ-10), Rep. Jerrold Nadler (NY-08), Rep. Major Owens >> (NY-12), >> Rep. Nydia M. Velazquez (NY-12), Rep. Charles Rangel (NY -16), Rep. Jose >> E. Serrano (NY-16), Rep. Maurice Hinchey (NY-26), Rep. John LaFalce >> (NY-29), Rep. Marcy Kaptur (OH-09), >> Rep. Dennis Kucinich (OH-10), Rep. Stephanie- Tubbs-Jones (OH-11), >> Rep. Sherrod Brown (OH-13), Rep. Elizabeth Furse (OR-01), Rep. Peter A. >> DeFazio (OR-04), >> Rep. Chaka Fattah (PA-02), Rep. William Coyne (PA-14), Rep. Carlos A >> Romero-Barcelo (PR-AL), Rep. Robert C. Scott (VA-03), Rep. Bernard Sanders >> (VT-AL), and Rep. James A. McDermott (WA-07) >> >> >> Check Out <A >HREF="http://dsausa.org/archive/Lit/Harr1.html";>http://dsausa.org/archive/Lit/Harr1.html</A> > or read below. >> >> WAKE UP AMERICA!!! >> >> Beaver Cole >> >> >> <A HREF="http://dsausa.org/index.html";> DSA Home Page</A> | <A >HREF="http://dsausa.org/archive/Lit/*Lit.html";>Other DSA Literature</A> | <A >HREF="http://dsausa.org/archive/Links/Global.html";>Globalist Links</A> >> >> >> >> Socialism Informs The Best of our Politics >> >> <A HREF="http://dsausa.org/archive/Docs/DTH.html#mike";>by Michael Harrington</A> >> Is socialism relevant to the late 20th and 21st centuries? And if so what >> does one mean by "socialism"? In any case, why identify as a socialist in >> the United States where the very word invites misunderstanding at best, >> and a frantic, ignorant rejection at worst? Finally, given all of these >> problems why build a socialist organization in this country? >> First, the socialist critique of power under both capitalism and communism >> is not only substantial in and of itself; it also makes a significant >> contribution to the cause of incremental reform as well as to a radical >> restructuring of society. >> Power, that critique argues, is systemic, North, South, East and West, and >> reproduces itself along with its mutually reinforcing social evils. In the >> various systems of power in the world today, the control of investment and >> basic economic allocations, is not the only source of domination - racism >> and sexism persist in all systems- but it is its single most important >> constituent. Those in charge of investment, be they corporate executives >> or commissars, will claim and get unequal treatment for themselves on the >> grounds that they act in the interest of the future of the entire society >> and must therefore have the resources to do their job. And those who are >> excluded from that function will be forced to pay all the social costs of >> decisions made on high. >> An Understanding of Homelessness >> In a superficial analysis, the tremendous growth of homelessness in the >> late 1970s and 1980s is simply a result of the deinstitutionalization of >> mental patients in the 1960s. But that analysis contradicts the data, >> which increasingly shows that the homeless are families and that two >> thirds of them do not have histories of mental and emotional problems. It >> also fails to explain why the deinstitutionalization of the 1960s did not >> lead to a dramatic rise in homelessness until the late 1970s. >> A more serious- liberal- analysis would recognize that this homelessness >> is a function of decreased real income and increased poverty among the >> wage-earning poor and a decline in the supply of private and >> government-sponsored affordable housing. From this point of view, one >> would quite rightly attack New York Mayor Ed Koch for providing tax >> incentives for the destruction of single-room-occupancy hotels (SROs), >> while at the same time noting that the SROs themselves were utterly >> inadequate even if they were better than the streets. >> A socialist analysis would deepen those liberal insights. It would see >> Koch's action as one more example of the system at work: of government >> policy subsidizing private, profit-making and often anti-social >> priorities, usually on the grounds of a "trickle-down" theory. It would >> understand the decline in the real wage and the increase in the poverty of >> working people as a standard systemic response to the crisis of >> profitability and productivity in the mid-1970s. And it would stress not >> simply a program for decent "shelter", but the necessity of democratizing >> the entire process of investment in this, and other, basic needs of life. >> It would also show that, had the community health centers projected in the >> 1960s been built- or more broadly, if America had a national health >> program- then the problem of the deinstitutionalized mental patients would >> never have became the outrage it now is. >> That socialist conception of a housing program would not, however, simply >> specify so many "units". It would urge a planned development of racially >> and socially integrated communities with public spaces and facilities for >> new institutions of neighborhood democracy and control. And it would try >> to reach out to build political support for such an undertaking by uniting >> the homeless in a coalition with young families from the working class and >> middle class as well as with seniors who do not want to be segregated on >> the basis of age. >> Changing the Distribution of Power >> The socialist point is that these various reforms, which many liberals >> would support on an ad hoc basis, must be as coherent as the structures >> they oppose. What is needed is not simply a new housing bill but a new way >> of making and designing social investments in areas of critical need. And >> even if one has to settle politically for something less than that, a >> proposal designed on the basis of a socialist analysis will be different >> than one which is the product of liberal concern with a single issue. For >> example, Representative Ronald Dellums' (D-CA) national health bill gives >> people at the base a say in non-technical medical decisions; it is not >> just a matter of ''health insurance''. And indeed, every socialist program >> is about changing the distribution of power in the way decisions are made. >> The Soviet Union And the Third World >> Similarly, a socialist response to what is happening under Gorbachev in >> the Soviet Union would not simply stress the importance of pursuing peace >> negotiations even more vigorously in order to encourage Glasnost and >> Perestroika. It would put Gorbachev's progressive, but technocratic, >> reforms in the context of an analysis which would see bureaucratic >> resistance to change in the Soviet Union as a function of an >> anti-democratic system of power in which even positive initiatives are >> initiated behind the backs of the people. And it would argue that American >> unilateral peace initiatives toward verifiable Big Power agreements may >> well- and hopefully will- create the long run conditions for a >> democratization of Soviet society which goes beyond anything now on the >> agenda in Moscow. >> In the case of the Third World, one can be even more specific. The >> response to the international debt crisis- and the global structure of >> inequality underlying it - by the Socialist International, under the >> leadership of Michael Manley, former Minister of Jamaica and Willy Brandt, >> former Chancellor of West Germany (and, until his death, of Olof Palme, >> Prime Minister of Sweden), is a perfect example of what is needed. A major >> transfer of funds from North to South, the International has shown, could >> create jobs in the First World as well as the Third. International justice >> could be an engine of growth for U.S. workers. It could provide an >> alternative to chauvinist attitudes, which sometimes accompany the >> justified anger of people under advanced capitalism with the systemic >> irresponsibility of multi-national corporations. >> New Departures >> A 11 these negatives and criticism are well and good, someone might say. >> But isn't the socialist movement itself in a profound crisis even in those >> countries where it has a mass base? What about the spectacular failure of >> the French Socialists when they had an absolute parliamentary majority and >> control of the presidency as well? >> There is no doubt that the ''Keynesian" version of social democracy- a >> mixed corporate economy in which socialist governments extract a surplus >> for welfare measures, but leave basic investment decisions in private >> hands- which dominated. the European movement from 1950 to about 1975, is >> in a profound crisis. The French socialists were subjected to the brutal >> discipline of the world's banks because their socially based Keynesian >> programs generated more jobs in Japan and Germany than in France. Even as >> one searches for a new response to this reality, it should be noted that >> this is one more example of elite corporate power- in this case exercised >> by multinational banks and corporations. The contemporary challenge to >> socialism, however, requires new departures, not fatalistic surrender. >> render. >> At the very origins of the modern socialist movement in the 19th century, >> there was a basic insight which will be even truer in the 21st century >> than when it was first formulated. Capitalism was understood as a system >> of private socialization, creating a genuine world market for the first >> time in human history, applying science to production, and linking people >> together in an unprecedented interdependence. But because that >> socialization was private, it was pursued at the expense of society. >> Socialism was conceived of as a program of democratic socialization from >> below, as a movement to put the people in control of the economic >> conditions which determine so much about their lives. >> That basic goal has been understood over the past century and a half in >> many, many ways, some of them wrong, some leading to partial victories, >> none even beginning to achieve the fullness of the original vision. And >> matters were complicated when, in the Soviet Union, a system of >> anti-democratic socialization emerged. There the party-state carried out >> the brutal process of accumulation which was the work of capitalism in the >> West, and used the rhetoric of socialism to rationalize new forms of class >> rule. >> Now that the Keynesian version of socialism is in crisis, the mass >> socialist movements of the world are indeed confused and even bewildered >> about the next steps toward democratic socialization. This is roughly the >> third time that this has happened: it occurred right after World War I >> when the socialists suddenly got political power and did not know what to >> do with it, and at the time of the Depression when, with the exceptions of >> the Swedes, there was a general programmatic and political failure of the >> movement. >> At the same time, the objective need for socialism has become all the more >> imperative. The multi-nationalization of the world economy is creating an >> increasingly interdependent globe, striking at the workers and communities >> of advanced capitalism as well as at the poor countries. Revolutionary new >> technologies are undermining even the limited accomplishments of >> capitalist welfare states. >> >> >> The Need for International Democratic Socialization >> >> There is no question now as to whether there will be radical change in the >> immediate future. It is already under way. The only issue is how it will >> be carried out. Will it come from on high, at the social and economic cost >> of the mass of people in every society and through a repression of >> freedom? Or can socialists, faced with a reality they never imagined, work >> out effective programs of structural change which move in the direction of >> a truly democratic socialization of the world? There is now ''too much" >> food in the world- and people starving to death; "too much'' steel >> capacity and masses desperately in need of housing and transit which use >> steel. And there will be, within the next year or two, a crisis of the >> world economy which will not automatically engender a progressive >> response, but which will make such a political response possible. At that >> point, some of those who now assume that the determinants of Reagan's >> America (and Thatcher's Britain, Kohl's Germany, Chirac's France, to cite >> but a few of the obvious cases) are eternal will look around for a >> socialist movement with positive answers. These cannot be predicted now, >> but it is clear that they will be distinctly inter-nationalist, >> antiracist, feminist and "green" as well as oriented to the working class, >> both old and new. >> >> >> Why A Socialist Organization? >> >> But why not just insist on the socialist specifics and omit any mention of >> the socialist name itself? Why not, as Tom Hayden's original Campaign for >> Economic Democracy of the 1970s proposed, socialism without the ''S'' >> word? It is not just that the right wing will not let you get away with >> it, although that is true (they routinely denounce liberalism as >> socialist). It is not even primarily because the historic function of >> American anti-socialism is to fight liberal reforms, not a non-existent >> socialist threat, and that an attack on that anti-socialism will broaden >> the political spectrum in a country which has a right and a center but no >> real left. Even more important, if one pretends that one is not a >> socialist, or speaks in euphemisms, all that is lost is the basic clarity >> of analysis and program. You cannot talk, or think, about the present >> crisis without understanding its roots in the systemic complex of >> corporate capitalist power. We can try to communicate that fact in the >> most effective possible rhetoric- and many socialists do wrongly think >> that it is "radical" to talk in such a way as to infuriate the average >> American- but we cannot conceal the basic reality from others and, above >> all, from ourselves. >> Secondly, socialists have had a significant impact upon power in America >> even if, for complex historic reasons, they have never come close to >> achieving power. The role of the 1912 Debsian immediate program in >> introducing the concepts of the welfare state of the New Deal is well >> known (though it is often not recognized that the 1912 program is still to >> the left of what has been achieved). So is the critical importance of >> socialists, communists, Trotskyists and anarchists in struggling for the >> theory and practice of industrial unionism, which led to the Congress of >> Industrial Organizations. More recently, David Garrow has documented how >> Martin Luther King, Jr. saw himself a part of that socialist tradition (a >> fact that I knew from my own work with Dr. King). And the feminist, >> anti-interventionist and Citizens' Action movements clearly built upon the >> radical tradition of the 1960s. >> I also think of the generation of economists now in their late thirties >> and early forties, the men and women who will provide many of the >> practical ideas of the next mass left. Every one of them comes out of the >> New Left and the socialist tradition. However they now define themselves, >> they are a part of that ongoing socialist contribution to practical >> politics. >> But why, then, a socialist organization? Why the backbreaking, frustrating >> work of building DSA against the tremendous odds of corporate America? >> Simply put, because there is no individualistic way of showing people that >> democratic and communitarian action is critical to the future. More >> broadly, the times are already a-changing. The moral and intellectual >> fatigue which so many veterans of the past twenty years feel blinds them >> to the fact that, within a year or two or three, there is going to be a >> new generation of change in America. >> I remember the Eisenhower- and Joe McCarthy - 1950s. They were worse than >> anything that happened in the Reagan 1980s. And when the moment of change >> came- none of us who had been waiting for years for that blessed break >> understood that it actually happened on a day in February 1960 when four >> black students in North Carolina decided to have an integrated cup of >> coffee- a decimated left was utterly incapable of rising to the enormous >> new opportunities. >> I do not think that the 1960s would have been totally different had there >> been a continuity with the radicalism of the 1930s, 40s, and 50s- had >> there been the equivalent of a DSA in February 1960. I do think that there >> would have been a difference. Perhaps people would not have had to spend >> so much time reinventing the wheel, sometimes badly, and maybe the >> histories of Students for a Democratic Society and the Student Non-Violent >> Coordinating Committee would have benefited. >> Right now, the difficult and laborious work of DSA- the struggle to make >> the anti-intervention movement as broad as possible and to involve the >> unions and the churches in it; the campaign to make disarmament the >> beginning of the work of international economic and social justice; the >> attempt to define the issue of poverty and racism and sexism as problems >> of economic and social structures rather than discrete evils; the >> coalition meetings with activists from the unions, the new social strata, >> the minority movements and all the rest- is going to make a profound >> contribution to the 1990s left. We are not going to lead the nation and, >> thank God, have abandoned any Messianic pretense of being the anointed >> vanguard of history. >> >> >> A New Civilization >> >> But when the moment comes, when that pilgrimage of women and men toward >> the realization of their own humanity begins again, as it will, we will be >> there. DSA itself may well be transformed at that moment, its cadres and >> energy and ideas being absorbed into new organizational forms that we >> cannot now even imagine. And yet it will be there. >> Those who lose heart on the very eve of a new generation of change should >> remember the profound truth Antonio Gramsci articulated from an Italian >> jail cell in a decade that saw the triumph of fascism- and, with an >> exception or two, the spectacular failure of socialism and the destruction >> of the Russian Revolution by Stalinism. Socialism, Gramsci said, was not a >> matter of a political victory on this or that day, or even this or that >> decade. It was not an economic program, a recipe. It was a "moral and >> intellectual reformation,'' a fight to transform the very culture and will >> of those who had, since time immemorial, been made subordinate, the >> epochal work of the creation of a new civilization. >> We live today in the most radical of times; humanity is fighting at this >> very moment over the content of that new civilization- of a new planet, if >> you will - and that struggle will go on beyond the lifetime of every one >> of us. There is no guarantee that the vision of a democratic and >> communitarian socialization will prevail over the bureaucrats and the >> technocrats who abound in this period. All socialism is- "all"- is the >> theory and practice which seeks to empower the people of the North, South, >> East and West to take control of their destiny for the first time. >> Those who join the movement for the immediate rewards of power are advised >> to apply elsewhere. Those who are willing to wager their lives on the >> possibility of freedom and justice and solidarity should pay their dues. >> This article first appeared in the February 24 - March 8, 1988 issue of In >> These Times. <A HREF="http://www.dsausa.org/dsa.html";> DSA Home Page</A> | <A >HREF="mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]";> [EMAIL PROTECTED] </A> >> >> >> > -> To unsubscribe send email to [EMAIL PROTECTED] ==^================================================================ This email was sent to: [EMAIL PROTECTED] EASY UNSUBSCRIBE click here: http://topica.com/u/?b1ddDh.b2FRTm Or send an email to: [EMAIL PROTECTED] T O P I C A -- Register now to manage your mail! http://www.topica.com/partner/tag02/register ==^================================================================ <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/";>www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are unwelcomed. 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