-Caveat Lector-

http://indymedia.org:8081/front.php3?article_id=191632&group=webcast

On June 20, Bush Administration officials quietly informed a New York judge
of their intention to commence legal actions...to control access to all
evidence and documents related to all private litigation...regarding the
terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 -- citing grave national security
concerns as their motivation.


Justice Department To Attempt Shut Down of 9/11 Evidence Friday

by Tom Flocco
July 11th, 2002

On June 20, Bush Administration officials quietly informed a New York judge
of their intention to commence legal actions likely to be far- reaching in
their constitutional, political, and individual rights implications
pertaining to current lawsuits and government secrecy related to the attacks
on September 11, 2001. The moves were revealed in a letter obtained from a
confidential source, with two other sources corroborating its existence,
adding additional information.

U.S. Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Division Robert D. McCallum,
Jr. and United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York James
B. Comey advised U.S. District Judge Alvin Hellerstein, also of the Southern
District of New York, that the Department of Justice (DOJ) will intervene to
control access to all evidence and documents related to all private
litigation before Hellerstein’s court regarding the terrorist attacks of
September 11, 2001 -- citing grave national security concerns as their
motivation.

The McCallum and Comey correspondence advised Judge Hellerstein of their
intention to seek [court] entry of a global discovery order [effectively
controlling evidence obtained from any country], requiring that 1)
Transportation Security Administration (TSA) be served with [have prior
access to] all requests for party and non-party discovery, 2 defendants and
non-parties submit all proposed discovery responses that may contain
‘sensitive security information’ (SSI) to the TSA prior to releasing
such material to plaintiffs, and 3) TSA have the necessary opportunity to
review such material and to withhold ‘sensitive security information’
[from victim-family attorneys].

One victim family plaintiff -- speaking off the record -- told Scoop Media
that family members and their attorneys have not yet sought internal memos,
electronic mail, facsimiles, and documents which would shed public light
upon what had to be extraordinary legal maneuverings. However, added high
stakes related to the publicly undisclosed contents of the controversial
August 6, 2001 Presidential intelligence briefing prior to the attacks, and
a secret July, 2001 FBI memo -- said to be "50 times more significant than
the August 6 briefing," by a Congressional investigator (New York Times,
5-18-2002), will only serve to heighten the importance of the June 20
letter.

Will We Ever Know What Really Happened?

The victim family source complained to Scoop Media that "now the White House
is trying to control or block the evidence we need to prove our negligence
cases in court." The source then added that offices of United Airlines
defense firm Mayer-Brown and lead attorney Michael Feagley, TSA, Bush
Attorney General John Ashcroft’s Justice Department, Judge Hellerstein’s
District Court, and the White House Counsel’s office were all likely
involved in the legal machinations.

The resumes of TSA Director, John McGaw, and his personnel security chief,
David Holmes, are already controversial enough to draw probing questions on
many fronts; but plaintiff attorneys for the victim families may find the
Administration's TSA appointee attempts to exert government control over
their clients' private cases to be the proverbial last straw.

The DOJ letter to Judge Hellerstein reveals that Bush Administration
officials at TSA have also been contacting witnesses already subpoenaed by
attorneys for the plaintiff families, telling them that they should send all
Plaintiff-subpoenaed evidence and documents to the TSA for initial
inspection, prior to directly cooperating with family plaintiff attorneys
and Judge Hellerstein's Court in New York. Thus, constitutional questions
arise as to why the New York District Court is permitting Bush
Administration bureaucratic appointees to tamper with witnesses and evidence
in the private civil actions of American citizens.

Some 33 families have already chosen to forego financial awards from the
congressionally authorized victim compensation fund in favor of seeking
justice and accountability. Their lawsuits are attempting to recover damages
for negligence, ticket contract safeguards, and failure to prevent the
attacks, even as more evidence regarding prior knowledge of the terrorism
recently leaked out from Capitol Hill -- from congressmen and senators
themselves.

The letter also disclosed that Ashcroft’s Office will push for the
appointment of lead counsel, effectively exerting a consolidated supervisory
role over all victim family attorneys, while seeking adoption of uniform
[similarly controlled] discovery requests to streamline litigation, reduce
costs for all parties and conserve judicial resources.

Informed sources close to the case told Scoop Media that actions brought by
the Justice Department will dilute and trivialize the more clear-cut and
important cases which seek answers to many of the questions related to
security, negligence, and prior knowledge of the attacks.

Moreover, the legal moves will be seen by some to help Bush attorneys shut
down and cut off victim family access to important government documents
which would likely lead to the accountability and justice their attorneys
have sought through litigation. This, while other victim families watch --
deciding whether or not to introduce their own civil actions against airline
companies or other government entities.

RESPONSIBLE ACTIVISM

Some of the unknowing victim family members soon to be affected by imminent
but discreet Justice Department legal action [which literally assumes total
control over evidence gathering, depositions, testimony, and government
reports] were at the Capitol just last month on June 10 and 11 to attend
events related to calls for open September 11 probes.

Some family members attended a Monday National Press Club media conference
sponsored by the 9/11 investigative organization UnansweredQuestions.org, an
independent, non-partisan online community of concerned citizens,
researchers, independent investigators, and journalists asking and exploring
the unanswered questions of September 11. Believing in transparency, the
group’s panel members told gathered TV, radio, and print media attendees
that good questions lead to answers and solutions.

On Tuesday, busloads of 9/11 victim families descended on Capitol Hill to
voice their concerns at a rally also attended by more media and some
congressmen and senators. The families were pleading for open, aggressive,
and complete investigations in Congress, but also for a truly independent,
non-partisan investigative commission with lawyers and serious researchers
totally in concert with the families’ goals of justice and accountability.
Meanwhile, Bush attorneys were moving to take control over needed evidence
for their civil actions against the airlines.

BUSH LAWYERS THREATEN VICTIM PLAINTIFFS

Curious indications of additional Administration political machinations
linked to Special Master Kenneth Feinberg and the September 11th Victim
Compensation Fund were also revealed in Justice’s letter to
Hellerstein’s court: The Government has been advised that the Court is
developing a procedure by which all Plaintiffs in the September 11 Tort
Litigation must formally acknowledge the ramifications of pursuing a lawsuit
rather than filing a claim with [the Fund].

This action will permit Feinberg to force families to listen to his attempts
to convince them to give up their lawsuits -- accepting his reduced
financial offers, instead of taking their chances for fair compensation in
court, but also for justice and accountability. However, Feinberg might be
losing his battle, as only 10 families out of 3,200 have thus far completed
applications permitting him to determine their financial futures, rather
than a judge and jury, according to wide press reports.

DOJ lawyers McCallum and Comey further advised Judge Hellerstein that In
making their election, plaintiffs should be fully informed of the risks that
accompany litigation. However, the Administration added that the TSA’s
vigorous enforcement of the rules governing non-disclosure of sensitive
security information may present significant litigation consequences for all
plaintiffs, and the Government respectfully requests that the Court include
a statement to this effect in any finalized protocol,-- clearly the
letter’s most controversial statement.

Some might consider the Administration’s statement a veiled threat,
warning that any victim family continuing with or thinking about suing
either the airlines, security firms, or other government entities would
likely lose any civil action because the Government is going to take
complete control of their access to the very evidence needed to prove their
cases in court.

Moreover, these and other statements in the Justice Department’s
correspondence to Hellerstein could well test the legal ire of many of the
families -- given the staggering individual, legal, and constitutional
implications.

CONSOLIDATING THE CONTROL

Constitutional separation of powers notwithstanding, the Executive Branch is
also attempting additional circumnavigation of treacherous legal waters that
some might consider blatant usurpation of judicial branch authority in order
to control access to evidence in legitimate private lawsuits.

The Assistant Attorney General and U.S. Attorney advised that the Government
will seek to intervene in these cases, and will move to implement a
consolidated litigation plan that would enable TSA to enforce both statutory
and regulatory aviation safety measures effectively and efficiently.

On the heels of its strict enforcement intentions, Ashcroft’s Office
requested that the Court -- on its own motion [acting by itself] -- stay
[suspend] all discovery in the September 11 Tort Litigation pending the July
conference. McCallum and Comey then asked the Judge to permit the Government
to address these and other issues at the upcoming July status conference, --
taking the unprecedented action of halting legal evidence discovery in all
September 11 tort litigation. The undisclosed victim litigant told Scoop
Media that the conference will be held on Friday.

DOJ USING SSI TO CLOAK TSA AND FAA NEGLIGENCE IN USA

Bush Administration lawyers at Attorney General Ashcroft’s Department of
Justice (DOJ) may be employing legerdemain in their efforts to suppress
useful court evidence, adding that Congress charged TSA with prohibiting the
disclosure of SSI, an entire category of information relating to
transportation security.

They also said that [the Under Secretary of Transportation for Security]
shall prescribe regulations prohibiting disclosure of information obtained
or developed in carrying out security or research and development activities
the release of which would be detrimental to the safety of passengers in
transportation. Justice lawyers then said that SSI includes, but is not
limited to, any approved, accepted, or standard security program; Security
Directives and Information Circulars; any selection criteria used in any
security screening process; and any security contingency plan.

Brian Sullivan, former Special Agent for the Federal Aviation Administration
(FAA) New England Region, pointed out to Scoop Media in an interview that
the purpose of protecting information should be in the interests of
defending national security. SSI should not be used as a shield to hide FAA
and TSA negligence and incompetence.

Sullivan added that the intent of the SSI designation was not to hide the
ineptitude of the failed FAA civil aviation security apparatus; nor was it
intended to preclude legitimate legal inquiry, as government lawyers carry
out White House orders to cloak bureaucratic incompetence in a blanket of
‘sensitive security.’

THE PRESIDENT'S PROTECTORS OF AIRPORT INSECURITY

Victim families will be relieved to know that the recent Bush-appointed
protector of the nation’s airport security, TSA Director John McGaw, is a
26-year Secret Service veteran. What the families won’t want to know is
that wide reports cite McGaw as spearheading the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco,
and Firearms (BATF) investigations into the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, the
1996 crash of TWA Flight 800, the bombing at the 1996 Olympics in Atlanta,
and the national church-arson task force -- packing enough controversy into
a couple years to last a couple lifetimes.

McGaw was also criticized by Senator Arlen Specter at a recent Senate
Commerce Committee confirmation hearing for defending the actions of BATF
agents at Ruby Ridge, Idaho, where the government paid Randy Weaver $3.5
million because the agents killed his wife and son in the altercation.

And notwithstanding Bush appointee McGaw’s controversial and questionable
new power to prescribe regulations prohibiting disclosure of information
[controlling evidence] and security or research and development activities
at the nation’s airports, his newly-recruited TSA personnel security chief
David Holmes may be America’s worst security nightmare.

Former Commerce Department colleagues charge that, as favors for politicians
and friends, David Holmes signed off on Commerce applicants with criminal or
other derogatory information in their background files. One felon even got
Top Secret clearance, according to WorldNetDaily.com. (4-24-2002)

WorldNetDaily added that a senior Commerce official said TSA is under
enormous pressure to meet that Nov.19 deadline [for hiring 30,000 new
baggage screeners]. He then added: And then you have a guy, who’s already
predisposed to looking the other way, making critical decisions on the
people who are essentially our last line of defense against armed hijackers.
You do the math.

SEE YOU IN NOVEMBER

At this point, not knowing whether to laugh or cry over such bumbling
incompetence -- or worse, victim families and their attorneys will now watch
Bush Administration lawyers madly shuffling legal paperwork over to the
Southern District of New York, using every desperate and unprecedented
creative legal theory available in an attempt to steal their
constitutionally-given right to a fair civil trial in front of a jury of
American citizens.

The Ashcroft lawyers will try to pull it off by smothering access to
critical evidence required to win victim family cases, even as some are
forced to listen to their Special Master Kenneth Feinberg reiterate the
Justice Department’s coming threats to their previously filed litigation.

The letter Americans were not supposed to know about tells it all. And
implications for the U.S. rule of law will be seen by many as truly
astonishing. However, Fall elections will reveal whether Americans will
tolerate what one 9/11 victim plaintiff told Scoop Media is nothing more
than slick government shenanigans."

Grieving families, on the whole, are still emotionally unable to demand that
Judge Hellerstein allow their attorneys the right of legitimate legal
inquiry and discovery of evidence. It will likely take righteous outrage and
responsible citizen activism to halt taxpayer-funded DOJ lawyers attempting
to innovatively cloak what many will describe as inside-the- beltway
negligence, ineptitude, and abuse of power by Bush Administration appointees
at TSA.

Moreover, the anguished victim litigants, their first-rate attorneys, and
other potential 9/11 plaintiff families closely watching the lawsuits
already filed, may now have to rethink their strategy: It just might take a
coterie of constitutional attorneys to prevent the Administration’s
impending assaults upon the Constitution’s separation of powers.

This, while having waited nine months for sequestered congressional hearings
to commence behind closed doors in a sound-proof room at the Capitol -- to
all intents and purposes, placing a 9/11 evidence blackout via a) the
Legislative Branch’s secret, soft, and un-aggressive hearings, and b) the
Executive Branch’s legal lapdogs snapping at the heels of justice,
fairness, and God-given rights. How sad for the country that such are the
leaders placed in power by the citizenry -- corrupt and unresponsive. But
Americans get to vote again in November.

*********

* - Tom Flocco is an independent American investigative journalist, having
previously written for Scoop.co.nz, AmericanFreePress.net.
WorldNetDaily.com, FromTheWilderness.com, NewsMax.com, NarcoNews.com, and
JudicialWatch.org. Contact:
[EMAIL PROTECTED] -

sent to you by [EMAIL PROTECTED]

----------------------------------------------------------------------

Week of July 10 - 16, 2002 Mondo Washington by James Ridgeway

Nitwit Scion Turns Avenger George Bush, Failed Corporate Crook

resident George Bush says he's outraged at the scams that have sent big-name
companies crashing, and he's not going to take it anymore. Feeding the
polls, Bush tells the nation he wants new laws to bring criminal charges
against dirty-dealing CEOs who fake company books and destroy not only the
public's trust but its savings as well.

In common parlance, what these execs are doing is called fraud, and common
knowledge says Bush already has the power to do something about it. Yet
again, the president is ducking a tough issue in favor of a PR operation.
The problem for Bush is how to seem to be attacking corporate scoundrels
while keeping their campaign contributions coming. This is, after all, an
election year, and the GOP badly wants to recapture control of the Senate
and widen its margin in the House.

If Bush really wanted to address the situation, all he'd have to do is to
pick up the phone, call Attorney General John Ashcroft, and ask him to
launch an investigation of any one of these CEOs for fraud, conspiracy,
theft, obstruction of justice, or perjury. The president could also turn to
the Securities and Exchange Commission, which can refer a civil case for
criminal prosecution. Bush doesn't need additional legislation to do this.
All he has to do is call. He refused to do that in the Enron case, even
though his administration knew about the scandal months before the company
went public with its bankruptcy. And he hasn't done it with any of the
subsequent double-dealings.

Perhaps Bush's inaction stems from his own history of stumbling in the
corporate back alleys. Last week, the media revived a case from the early
'90s, where it looks like Bush was involved in insider trading with the
stock of an oil company of which he was an official. He dumped the shares
shortly before the firm tanked, then failed to report his activity to the
Securities and Exchange Commission for months. The ensuing investigation,
handled by an agency whose director was a Bush appointee and whose general
counsel was Bush the younger's own former attorney, was dropped.

Though Bush has shown he can play the game, too, he's not quite ready for
the majors. The big difference between him and a guy like Kenneth Lay is
that Lay at least was successful. Before he left the world of commerce for a
life in politics, Bush lost money time and again. "It was dreadful," one
investor told The Wall Street Journal. "I think we got [back] maybe 20 cents
on the dollar," said another.

The hapless Shrub took shelter under his family tree. Nowhere is this
blue-blood network more evident than in the feeble activities of the
president before he became governor of Texas. Consider this chronology, put
together largely from research done by the Center for Public Integrity in
Washington for its book The Buying of the President 2000.

1979-83: Fifty Bush family investors and friends, led by uncle Jonathan, a
New York Republican Party official and an investment manager, fork over $4.7
million to set up young Bush in a company called Arbusto. It's a flop, and
in 1982 gets a new name: Bush Exploration.

1984: Spectrum 7 Corporation, an Ohio oil exploration outfit owned by
Dubya's Yalie pal William DeWitt Jr., buys out Bush Exploration, setting up
young Bush as CEO at $75,000 a year and giving him 1.1 million shares of the
firm's stock. Another flop. The company's fortunes soon sink, with $400,000
in losses and a debt of $3 million.

1986: In the nick of time, Bush and partners merge the failing Spectrum with
Harken Oil, a Dallas exploration company, with a $2 million stock purchase.
Bush puts up about $500,000 and gets a $120,000 annual consulting fee along
with $131,250 in stock options. Harken is a small outfit, looking for oil
opportunities within the U.S. Then out of the blue comes Harvard Management
Corporation, an investment adviser for Harvard University's endowment
portfolio. It pumps millions into the venture.

1990: Although Harken has no international expertise, it gets the attention
of the Bahrain National Oil Company, which unexpectedly appears on the scene
and bypasses big oil's Amoco and Chevron to sign a production agreement with
the little Texas concern. The contract grants Harken exclusive rights to
what seems to be a promising offshore area squeezed between two productive
tracts owned by Saudi Arabia and Qatar. The Wall Street Journal speculates
Bahrain was trying to cozy up to Daddy Bush, who was plotting an assault on
Iraq after Saddam Hussein seized Kuwait.

Bass Enterprises Production Company finances the Bahrain drilling with $25
million, and Harvard Management raises its investment. A couple of members
of the Fort Worth Bass family have places on Team 100, an elite business
group contributing to the Republican National Committee.

In June, Harken drills two dry holes in Bahrain. The future looks bleak.
Dubya dumps two-thirds of his Harken holdings (212,140 shares), for
$848,560. He uses some of this money to buy into the Texas Rangers baseball
club. This is a lot of stock to dump on the market all at once, and brokers
say it was purchased by an unnamed institutional investor.

That August, Harken posts a loss of $23 million.

January 1991: Daddy Bush attacks Iraq.

February 1991: Dubya, as the official in charge at Harken, reports his big
stock sale to the SEC—eight months late.

April 1991: The SEC begins an investigation into Harken dealings. Chairman
Richard Breeden, who had been appointed by the senior Bush and served him as
an economic policy adviser, hails from Baker & Botts, a big Texas oil law
firm where he was a partner. Inside the SEC, James Doty, general counsel and
the official in charge of any litigation that might come out of the Harken
investigation, is another alumnus of Baker & Botts. And as a private
attorney, before joining the government, Doty represented the younger Bush
in matters related to Dubya's ownership of the Rangers.

1993: The SEC ends its Harken investigation following perfunctory
interviews.

The good people of Baker & Botts continued looking out for Shrub. Since
1993, Breeden, Doty, and other lawyers there have given him $182,050 for his
various political campaigns, making the firm one of his biggest supporters.

That's how the network functioned in the Harken affair. Dubya also has
historic mentors among his kin. During the Second World War, for example,
the government investigated his grandfather, Prescott Bush, and his maternal
great-grandfather, Bert Walker. Under the Trading With the Enemy Act,
officials seized Bush stockholdings, charging that "huge sections of
Prescott Bush's empire had been operated on behalf of Nazi Germany and had
greatly assisted the German war effort."

When it comes to business, the contemporary Bush men have been equally good
role models for Dubya. Think about it:

Dubya brother Neil Bush made the news during the late 1980s because he was a
director of Silverado Savings & Loan, which went broke and ended up costing
taxpayers about $1 billion. In the Silverado case, federal investigators
accused Neil of conflicts of interest, but he was never prosecuted. The
Resolution Trust Company, set up to bail out bankrupt S&Ls, brought a civil
suit against Bush and other Silverado officers. The case was eventually
settled for $26.5 million.

Prescott Bush Jr., a brother of Bush Senior, was reported in 1989 to have
arranged investments in two U.S. firms by an alleged front company for the
Japanese mob, a task for which he was allegedly paid $500,000. Prescott
denied any knowledge of mob involvement.

In 1991, Jonathan Bush, the Daddy Bush brother who spearheaded the family
effort to get Dubya set up in business, was himself fined $30,000 in
Massachusetts and several thousand in Connecticut for violating registration
laws governing securities sales. He was barred from securities brokerage
with the general public in Massachusetts for one year.

Then there's George W.'s other brother, Jeb, currently standing for re-
election as governor of Florida, who defaulted on a $4.5 million S&L loan in
1988, plunging the thrift over the edge. Jeb and his partners paid but 10
percent back.

With his own personal landscape a minefield of weird business dealings, Bush
the younger has to watch his step. For him, leaving a few stones unturned
might be a wise choice. Thus does he find himself at once making a show of
righteous anger and shielding his wealthy friends. "You need to know that by
far the vast majority, by far, of corporate America are above-board," he
said, "and doing their job just the way you'd expect them to do."

Additional reporting: Cassandra Lewis

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