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Fictions Embraced by an Israel at War

October 1, 2002
By DAVID GROSSMAN






JERUSALEM - A dangerous and deceptive plot line has become
superimposed on the story that Israeli society tells itself
about its conflict with the Palestinians. Since the
outbreak of the current intifada two years ago, it is as if
the Israeli mind has turned to a new page in the chronicle
of the conflict and, at the same time, erased many of the
pages that preceded it.

It's as if the 33 years of repression, occupation and
humiliation that Israel imposed on the West Bank and Gaza
between June 1967 and September 2000 vanished with the wave
of a magic wand. The majority of Israelis take comfort
today in believing that the horrifying deeds committed by
Palestinian terrorists in the last two years somehow
"balance the books" for those long years of subjugation and
that all the guilt for the current state of affairs rests
on Palestinian shoulders. Furthermore, they believe, the
suicide bombings, and the broad support they have received
from the Palestinian population, have revealed things about
the Palestinians that ex post facto justify the injustices
of the occupation. In a contorted way, many Israelis
believe that the new wave of Palestinian terrorism has
granted their country absolution for its problematic past.

Of course, the Israeli occupation is not the entire story.
During those 33 years the Palestinians contributed their
share to the march of blood and folly by being intractable
in their positions and murderous in their actions. And we
must not forget that the Six-Day War was not a war that
Israel wanted. Yet, despite this, the historical story that
Israel chooses to tell itself is astoundingly obtuse and
superficial.

The story that now reigns nearly unchallenged in the media
and political discourse obliterates more than 33 years of
roadblocks, thousands of prisoners, deportations, and
killings of innocent people. It's as if there were never
long months of closures in cities and villages, as if there
had been no humiliations, no incessant harassment, no
searches of houses, no bulldozing of hundreds of homes, no
uprooting of vineyards and olive groves, no filling up of
wells and, especially, no construction of tens of thousands
of housing units in settlements and large-scale
confiscation of land, in violation of international law.

The new narrative leaps back through the manipulative fog
created by the prime minister and his cabinet, his
supporters and his various spokesmen straight to the
Six-Day War, our pinnacle of justice. And looking forward
from that point in 1967 there is a kind of desert devoid of
history, devoid of responsibility, devoid of blame, until
we suddenly emerge from the miasma right at the Oslo
accords, the proposals that Ehud Barak made to Yasir Arafat
at Camp David and, after Camp David, like thunder on a
bright and sunny day, the second intifada.

According to this story, the Palestinians suddenly exploded
in September 2000 in an uncaused natural eruption, spewing
out lava and ash and igniting the entire region. They had
no logical reason for exploding and there was no prior
Israeli provocation. Ehud Barak made them a generous offer,
and they betrayed him with an outburst of violence -
because they, by their nature, are motivated solely by
destructive, irrational forces that make impossible any
future compromise with them.

This theory is also the basis of another right-wing claim
that now seems to be accepted by the majority of Israelis.
It is that the Oslo accords, and their supporters, were
what in fact caused the second intifada. In other words, it
wasn't the intolerable conditions in which the Palestinians
lived for more than three decades. It wasn't the tacit
support that most Israelis lent to the ongoing occupation,
all the while persuading themselves that it was such an
enlightened occupation that it was barely an occupation at
all. It wasn't the refusal of every Israeli government
before the second administration of Yitzhak Rabin to try to
reach a true, if painful, accommodation with the
Palestinians. It wasn't the doubling of the number of
Israeli settlers in the territories in the years after
Oslo. Nor was it the way in which Ehud Barak conducted the
Camp David talks, presenting to Yasir Arafat as ultimatums
proposals that, while they were generous compared with
Israeli positions in the past, were entirely insufficient
in Palestinian eyes.

None of these factors are now viewed as sufficient reason
for a popular uprising by a subjugated and despairing
people. No, it's the Oslo accords that are to blame, as if
in the absence of Oslo the Palestinians would have come to
terms with the Israeli occupation, accepting it tranquilly,
even lovingly, to this very day; as if the Oslo agreements
were a match, not a fire extinguisher.

Obviously, one of the reasons this story line has gained
acceptance is that it seems to give a logical structure to
a chaotic and threatening reality. Along the way, it also
seems to justify the use of massive and unrelenting
military force against the Palestinians.

But this view of reality is fraught with danger because it
is simply not realistic. It's true that the Palestinians
have committed serious errors and war crimes in the last
two years. It also may well be true that, had they acted
otherwise, they would have a state today. But if Israel is
interested not just in punishing the Palestinians but also
in extricating itself from the trap it's in, it must wake
up and reinsert into the tragic story of the conflict those
parts that have been expunged from its consciousness during
the last two years. If we do not replant the recent
intifada in its historical context, no chance of any
minimal mutual understanding will sprout. And without
context, we will never be truly cured.

David Grossman is the author, most recently, of "Be My
Knife,'' a novel. This article was translated by Haim
Watzman from Hebrew.

http://www.nytimes.com/2002/10/01/opinion/01GROS.html?ex=1034580499&ei=1&en=d232eb9f5d31ede4



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