Press Isn't Asking Right Questions About Iraq
Tom Wicker on the Power to Wage War

By Tom Wicker

Guest Opinion in E&P

Bush administration spokesmen have made several cases for waging war against Iraq, and the U.S. press has tended to present all those cases to the public as if they were gospel. Does this mean that administration arguments are indisputable? Or does it mean that the right questions have not been asked often or loudly enough?

One such question: Will al-Qaida be damaged by an American attack on an Islamic nation? If not, how does a war on Iraq help the so-called war on terror, against al-Qaida? Which is of the greater concern to Americans? The administration insists that Iraq and al-Qaida are, in fact, linked and that Washington has the evidence to prove it. But that evidence can't be revealed, lest it disclose how we know and from whom we know it.

That may be true, as it often is with secret intelligence information, but this argument raises at least two questions: What kind of democracy allows its leaders to take it into war without fully specifying the reasons? And should a "watchdog" press present the supposed link between Iraq and al-Qaida as if it had been demonstrated, because President Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powell say so, or point out that it hasn't really been proven, even at the United Nations?

The battle in the Turkish parliament over whether the United States might use bases in Turkey to make war on Iraq was covered intensively in the American press, but rather like an Olympic event -- Us versus Them. Could the United States swing the votes to get its way? After the first setback, could there be a second try, for U.S. goals to be met?

Other pertinent questions could have been raised. Why was the United States willing to pay such enormous sums to Turkey to win permission to use military bases? Wasn't the Turkish government, in effect, blackmailing Uncle Sam? If so, who's more to be condemned -- the seller or the buyer? Besides, if Washington wants democracy in the Middle East, wasn't that Turkish parliament vote a good example?

As for stationing U.S. bombers where they can "take out" that troublesome North Korean nuclear reactor -- it shows administration concern about a problem that appears, on its face, as threatening as, and more immediate than, Iraq's quest for nuclear weapons. But if the United States tries a "pinpoint" air attack, might not the North Korean army swarm down on South Korea, probably setting off a bigger war than now contemplated in Iraq?

Perhaps the least-informed public assumption, encouraged by a lack of press probing, is that President Bush has the right to decide whether or not to wage war on Iraq. And perhaps the most important unasked question is whether he really does have that power, despite Senate approval and some backing in the U.N. Security Council.

Abraham Lincoln, a great war president and one of our keenest constitutional analysts, thought not. More than 150 years ago, Lincoln responded sharply to a letter from William H. Herndon, his former law partner. Herndon had asserted -- as Lincoln rephrased the proposition -- "that if it shall become necessary, to repel invasion, the President may, without violation of the Constitution, cross the line, and invade the territory of another country; and that whether such necessity exists in any given case, the President is to be the sole judge."

It would be difficult to improve on Lincoln's prescience in refuting Herndon's thesis -- the core of which is Bush's basic rationale for the proposed war on Iraq. Lincoln replied: "Allow the President to invade a neighboring nation, whenever he shall deem it necessary to repel an invasion [or, in this case, theoretical use of weapons of mass destruction], and you allow him to do so whenever he may choose to say he deems it necessary for such purpose -- and you allow him to make war at pleasure. Study to see if you can fix any limit to his power in this respect. ... If, today, he should choose to say he thinks it necessary to invade Canada, to prevent the British from invading us, how could you stop him? You may say to him, 'I see no probability of the British invading us' but he will say to you, 'Be silent, I see it, if you don't.'"

Whether or not the United States wages war on Iraq, this may be the most important question, not just for now but in the future: Does a U.S. president really have the power "to make war at pleasure"?

That question is seldom being asked by an American press that seems sometimes to be playing on the administration team rather than pursuing the necessary search for truth, wherever it may lead.

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