Feb. 19
BANGLADESH:
Dhaka sit-in evokes Tahrir Square spirit; Protesters in Bangladesh capital
demand death penalty for those involved in atrocities during liberation war in
1971
Slogans, songs, poetry, and street theatre - the heady mix of culture and
protest has given burgeoning demonstrations in downtown Dhaka a unique Bengali
ambience.
People in this country of 150 million first fought for their language, then
independence, and again for an end of military rule. Now protesters gathering
in central Dhaka believe they are fighting for a return of liberalism and
secularism - and death to alleged war criminals from decades past.
A slogan in Bengali has been frequently shouted at the busy Shahbagh Square to
annonce that the area is now the epicentre for change in Bangladesh: "Tomar
aamar thikana, Shahbagher Mohona" or "your address, my address, Shahbagh
Square".
Tens of thousands have gathered here in recent days demanding reform, and
protesters believe the scenes are reminiscent of the uprising in Cairo's Tahrir
Square that led to the downfall of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.
Another slogan often chanted is "Shahbagh does not sleep." True, it doesn't
these days. There is no room to rest for starters, and loudspeakers are
constantly blaring.
Amid frequent calls for death to all war criminals, Shahbagh is alive with
songs, poetry, film and street plays. The cultural muscle of Bengali
nationalism is on raging display.
Punishing past atrocities
On February 5, one of Bangladesh's 2 war crimes tribunals announced a life
sentence for a leader of the Jamaat-e-Islami group, Abdul Quader Mollah, who
had been accused of mass murder and rape during the 1971 civil war.
Many had wished for and expected a harsher punishment - a sentence of death.
Messages flew fast and furious across social networking sites, mobile phones
and by word of mouth. By that evening, thousands of mostly young men and women
had gathered at Shahbagh, one of Dhaka's busiest areas, to protest the
perceived light sentence.
"Death for Quader Mollah," they shouted, as more people converged on the
square.
2 weeks have passed and the crowds have not gone away. In fact the numbers have
steadily grown and those gathered are urging more Bangladeshis to come and show
their support. Shahbagh has even been given the new name Projonmo Chattor, or
Generation Square, to reflect the driving force of the movement, the youth of
Bangladesh.
Protests continue in Bangladesh
"This is the generation who have not experienced the Liberation War, but who
appear to be as determined to uphold its secular and liberal spirit," says
Jogesh Sarkar, who fought as a guerrilla for the Mukti Bahini, or Liberation
Army, against Pakistani soldiers and their allies.
Jamaat-e-Islami opposed the break-up of Pakistan and the independence of
Bangladesh in 1971. In the bloody civil war that followed, its activists in
large numbers allegedly joined irregular military units and fought alongside
the Pakistani army.
The group's members are believed responsible for some of the most horrendous
atrocities committed during the 8-month war, which killed between 2.5 to 3
million people. Rape was routinely used as a weapon.
"We now want the death penalty for all war criminals. We want a ban on the
politics of religious fundamentalism. We want a ban on the Jamaat-e-Islami,"
says Imran H Sarker of the Bloggers and Online Activists Network, one of the
leaders of the Shahbagh protest.
But Moulana Rafiqul Islam Khan, the general secretary of Jamaat, said the
protests were part of a plot to create anarchy and force the tribunals to give
verdicts as per its dictate.
"We want to clearly state that the people of the country won't let the
government implement its plot chalked out to take its political revenge," he
said.
Coup derails tribunals
After the vicious civil war, the 1st government of the independent country
enacted the International Crimes Tribunals Act in 1973, to try those
responsible for the "crimes against humanity".
But a coup in 1975 led to the assassination of Bangladesh's 1st prime minister,
Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, and the military rulers not only shelved the trials of
those accused of war crimes, but allowed many of them to return to ordinary
life.
Jamaat-e-Islami was even allowed to register as a legitimate political party.
Mujib's party, the Awami League, swept parliamentary elections in December
2008, and his daughter Sheikh Hasina became prime minister.
True to her pre-election pledge, Hasina's government constituted 2 war crimes
tribunals under the 1973 law - one that began work in 2010 and the other 2
years later.
Besides Mollah, 8 other leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami and 2 of the opposition
Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) are now on the dock, standing trial for
crimes against humanity allegedly committed during the 1971 war.
"At last, the nation feels some justice is being done. Nobody here wants these
war criminals to get away lightly," says Shahriar Kabir, whose organisation
Committee for the Elimination of the Killers and Collaborators of 1971 have
pushed for the tribunals since the mid-1990s, after democracy was restored in
Bangladesh.
The demonstration has not been entirely peaceful. 10 days after the protests
started in Shahbagh, 1 of its leading figures, Ahmed Rajib Haider, was killed
near his house in Dhaka's Mirpur locality.
An architect by profession and passionate blogger, many believe Rajib
represented the form and spirit of the Shahbagh protest, which is largely led
by young professionals and students.
Struggle for the future
Lucky Akhtar, 1 of the main demonstration organisers, says there is more to the
protests than just holding those to account for war crimes committed more than
40 years ago.
"The movement is led not by politicians but by those who feel concerned about
Bangladesh's future, those who want the country to return to the secular and
liberal spirit of the Liberation War, those who believe in humanity, those who
want Bangladesh to be distinctively its own self," she says.
The movement will go far because it has risen above partisan politics, Akhtar
says. "We have touched the soul of the nation."
Akhtar says the government will have to ban Jamaat-e-Islami and all its
affiliates, and finally nationalise its considerable assets.
"The Jamaat and its brand of religion-driven politics has to be eliminated from
our soil. It is the unfinished agenda of the Liberation War," she says.
The government has reacted swiftly to keep pace with the popular mood. Prime
Minister Hasina and her party leaders have expressed solidarity with the
Shahbagh demonstrators. "I am here but my heart is at Shahbagh," she told
parliament this week.
The government has hinted at a ban on Jamaat-e-Islami, and thousands of its
activists have been arrested for acts of violence during a series of general
strikes the Islamist party sponsored over the last few months.
An amendment to the 1973 crimes tribunal act was also recently passed in
parliament, where the ruling Awami League-led coalition enjoys a huge majority.
The amendment allows the government to appeal Quader Mollah's life sentence and
request the death penalty.
The legislation will now allow the war crimes tribunals to try organisations
and political parties for alleged crimes committed during the war of
independence.
Conspiracy to destroy Jamaat?
The opposition has denounced the parliamentary amendment, describing it as
politically motivated. Jamaat leader Islam Khan says the government is clearly
out to destroy his party.
The party has accused Prime Minister Hasina of backing the Shahbagh protests
for possible electoral gains. Whipping up nationalistic sentiments and banning
Jamaat - an important ally of the BNP - would seriously dent the opposition
ranks and hand her the advantage in the run up to next year's elections.
The Shahbagh protesters, however, deny any ties to the government.
Many of Bangladesh's most important historical moments have roots at Shahbagh.
The rise of the Bengali-language movement, the call for independence by Sheikh
Mujibur Rehman, and the surrender ceremony of the Pakistan army all happened
within a few kilometers of the square.
Some observers say the current Shahbagh occupation could also be a defining
moment for Bangladesh.
"History has a habit of repeating itself in Bangladesh," says historian Sagar
Lohani.
Journalist Haroon Habib, who also fought as a guerrilla during the 1971 war,
says the Shahbagh demonstration is a struggle between secular Bengali
nationalism against Islamic radicalism.
"It is all about which road Bangladesh will take," Habib says.
(source: Aljazeera)
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