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Too bad I missed this one until now ...

I have a number of ideas on how you'd use ICTs to support enhanced
participation in global governance.  Is anyone developing proposals
for Ford on this one?  Drop me a note if you'd like to add a partner.

Steven Clift
Democracies Online


From:
http://aoir.org/pipermail/air-l/2003-January/003028.html

[Air-l] Call for Proposals to Promote Civic Engagement in Global
Governance (re: World Summit on the Information Society)
RG Lentz [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Wed, 15 Jan 2003 08:08:01 -0500

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Call for Proposals to Promote Civic Engagement in Global Governance

Summary: The 'Global Civil Society' Portfolio of the Ford Foundation
has
set aside $US1 million to promote civic engagement in global
governance and
to encourage global civil society actors to address the democracy
deficits
apparent within global governance. With this call for proposals the
Ford
Foundation is seeking civil society organizations that have a
strategic
plan to strengthen or promote accountability mechanisms between
global
governors and global citizens. We also seek effective mechanisms for
a
broad swath of citizen voices to be heard within global public policy

deliberations.

For two decades or more civil society organizations have followed and

attempted to influence global negotiations relating to public policy
in the
fields of human rights, environment, empowerment of women, labor
rights,
consumer safety, development, peace and poverty alleviation. Today,
many of
these issues are impacted by decisions taken to develop a global
market,
create uniform global standards and/or address fiscal imbalances in
developing countries. Impacts on health, human rights, consumers,
gender
relations, democracy or the environment are often not the first
consideration of negotiators and often fall outside of their
expertise. For
these reasons, civil society actors often follow negotiations within
international financial institutions that will have an impact on
social
policy and issues, but are not necessarily oriented toward those
particular
issues. As another strategy civil society actors attempt to
strengthen
global institutions that are specifically oriented toward social
problems
or encourage interaction amongst institutions so as to counter
balance the
power and authority of some financial institutions. Lastly, civic
actors
have promoted the idea to create new institutional global homes for
some
issues, like the World Environmental Organization, or to create
competition
for existing global financial institutions through promotion of
regional
institutions.

Have these efforts been successful? In many instances, civil society
has
been effective in expanding the competitive pool of policy ideas
within
specific existing institutions, widening the terms of debate to take
into
account impacts that may not have been reviewed by negotiators, and
in rare
instances actual new policies have been created to address the
concerns
raised by civil society. Rarer still, civil society periodically is
successful in addressing governance questions and has succeeded in
restructuring the decision making path for permanent inclusion of the

issue, developed and forced accountability measures to be created
within
governance structures or succeeded in opening up the process of
decision
making to include intended beneficiaries or other broad stakeholders.

However, the instances where civil society has managed to address
imbalances in governance are so rare that one can count them on one
hand.
Within the multilateral development banks, governance issues that
have been
addressed include: information policies, opportunities for impacted
communities to question the adherence of the institutions to their
own
policies (inspection mechanisms), and in the case of structural
adjustment
programs promoted by the World Bank, opportunities for the public in
developing countries to discuss the social and economic expenditures
of
their governments through the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers. At
the
United Nations (UN), civil society organizations have a process
through
which they can be accredited to monitor the UN activities which take
place
through UNESCO. In certain instances, civil society has permanent
processes
for consultation such as at the Convention on Biological Diversity
negotiations. In other forums, there is token civil society
representation
as well. For example, Consumers International has a seat at the Codex

Alimentarius. However, these positions are often granted through
national
governments and are not sanctioned by the multilateral governing
body.

The lack of attention to the process of governing is frustrating in
that it
limits the outcomes that pertain to specific sectors and fails to
address
the larger questions of power and accountability. For example, after
ten
years of negotiations (1983 - 1993) with the World Bank, the
environmental
movement succeeded in their efforts to get the Bank to implement ten
policies that protect minority communities and environmental
resources from
negative unintended consequences of development decisions. Today,
those
policies are under negotiation for the third time, with each round of

negotiations resulting in a weaker set of policies with more
responsibility
shifting away from the well resourced World Bank and accruing to
developing
country governments. Each round of negotiations requires that the
movement
both demonstrate a sustained commitment to mainstreaming
environmental
concerns within Bank lending decisions and to hold the line on issues
that
it thought it had successfully addressed over a decade ago. There is
no
advancement. The same story can be told of the development
community's
efforts to mainstream participation within the field of development
at the
multilateral and bilateral agencies. Similarly, civil society
organizations
waste an enormous amount of time reinventing the participatory wheel
every
single time the UN holds a new global conference. Currently, the
battleground is the World Summit on Information Society. The UN does
not
have a uniform way in which to invite and set the parameters for
civic
observation and participation in its deliberations. The worst
offender
within the UN system is the Security Council which locks out the bulk
of
members of the UN and civil society from its deliberations.

Global institutions not only have tenuous links between the governors
and
the governed but also weaken democracy in three ways: one, they fail
to
operate along democratic principles. Two, international negotiations
are
the privilege of the executive branches of government. The judicial
powers
of a national court do not extend to the international political
arena. And
parliamentarians have no formal role in international negotiations.
Three,
there are no elected officials that are directly accountable to
citizens
engaged in negotiating global public policy. There are also indirect
ways
in which global governance undermines citizen rights. For example,
the
failure to operate within democratic parameters globally continues to

justify less accountable forms of governance at national levels.

By way of example, proposals could address the following: the need
for a
public record of security council agendas and deliberations; a
reconstitution of voting shares at the IMF and World Bank; and end to
green
room deliberations at the WTO; an end to negotiating authority that
truncates the role of representational branches of government;
parliamentarians with voice and vote in international negotiations;
elected
national representatives operating within our global institutions;
transparency campaigns; campaigns oriented toward strengthening
global
courts or holding global institutions accountable to national law;
judicial
enforcement of international law in national courts; advocacy for
accountability mechanisms, etc. Projects that focus on deepening
connections to the benefit of citizens between national and
international
governance mechanisms are encouraged. These issues are offered by way
of
example only. Applicants are encouraged to think creatively.

Proposals can come from any issue-based (health, security, human
rights,
etc.) process but must move beyond the impact on the issue to address
the
governance process that might be improved. Proposals are welcome
oriented
toward any global institution, but will be judged in relation to
possible
demonstration affects. In other words, if the institution one seeks
to
change does not have considerable political or economic authority,
the onus
would be on the campaigners to argue the importance of the particular

institution relative to other global governance institutions.

Governance structures are difficult to change. It can take many years
of
sustained effort amongst a group of actors to create the conditions
for
social change. If the goals of a campaign are long term in nature,
short
term objectives should also be included. Multi-sectoral coalitions
are
encouraged; i.e. those that combine activists and actors from
different
issue-based fields. Multi-stakeholder projects, i.e. those that
combine
civil society actors with the private sector and governments are
encouraged
as well. This call is for active campaigns. Stand alone research
projects
will not be considered favorably.

How to Apply
The deadline for proposals is April 1, 2003. Proposals should be no
more
than ten double spaced pages and should include a 150 - 200 word
summary.
Longer proposals will not be reviewed. Proposals can be sent to the
attention of Lisa Jordan, Ford Foundation, 320 East 43rd Street, New
York,
New York, 10017. Please include the code CFP at the top of the cover
letter
and cover page of the proposal.. Electronic versions can be sent to
[EMAIL PROTECTED] with the code CFP in the subject line.
Decisions
will be made by June 1, 2003 by a committee familiar with global
governance
issues. Applicants should expect to hear from the Foundation by June
15th.



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^               ^               ^                ^
Steven L. Clift    -    W: http://www.publicus.net
Minneapolis    -   -   -     E: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Minnesota  -   -   -   -   -    T: +1.612.822.8667
USA    -   -   -   -   -   -   -     ICQ: 13789183

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