This article discusses the role this god-idea played in the development of 
civilization.

LC
 

http://nautil.us/issue/72/quandary/the-worth-of-an-angry-god

The Worth of an Angry GodHow supernatural beliefs allowed societies to bond 
and spread.
By Steve Paulson

A god who knows everything, is everywhere, and wields impossible power, is 
a potent fantasy. Allegiance to it animates the lives of billions 
worldwide. But this “Big God,” as psychologists and anthropologists refer 
to it, wasn’t dreamt from scratch but pieced together, over thousands of 
years, paralleling humanity’s move from small- to large-scale societies. 
One burning question researchers want to answer is: Did humans need belief 
in a God-like being—someone who can punish every immorality we might 
commit—to have the big societies we have today, where we live relatively 
peaceably among strangers we could easily exploit?

Harvey Whitehouse, the director of the Institute of Cognitive and 
Evolutionary Anthropology at Oxford University, doesn’t think so. “Complex 
societies,” he and his colleagues  
<https://www.nature.com/articles/s41586-019-1043-4.epdf?author_access_token=ziGhOukLjNhglzp5OQS7zNRgN0jAjWel9jnR3ZoTv0NQWry6dYOGQyA-bXzKgwmdXZYf33tBHVXgtelJ8x_2ZXq913jlDnDq_3acJoAlImUSHS6l-mh4t0NQq1Iotn3BW3_CPTAV35352sfHH1dRaA==>
declared 
<https://www.nature.com/articles/s41586-019-1043-4.epdf?author_access_token=ziGhOukLjNhglzp5OQS7zNRgN0jAjWel9jnR3ZoTv0NQWry6dYOGQyA-bXzKgwmdXZYf33tBHVXgtelJ8x_2ZXq913jlDnDq_3acJoAlImUSHS6l-mh4t0NQq1Iotn3BW3_CPTAV35352sfHH1dRaA==>
 in 
a March *Nature *paper, “precede moralizing gods throughout world history.” 
They relied on a massive historical database, called Seshat, which over a 
decade attracted contributions from over a hundred scholars. With the 
database “finally ready for analysis,” Whitehouse and his colleagues wrote 
in *The Conversation*, “we are poised to test a long list of theories about 
global history,” particularly “whether morally concerned deities drove the 
rise of complex societies,” some hallmarks of which are more economic 
integration and division of labor, more political hierarchy, the emergence 
of classes, and dependence on more complex technology and pre-specialists. 
Whitehouse concluded that those deities did no such driving. As he told 
*Nautilus* 
<http://nautil.us/issue/72/quandary/the-ancient-rites-that-gave-birth-to-religion>
 in 
a 2014 interview, as societies became more agricultural, what researchers 
see “in the archeological record is increasing frequency of collective 
rituals. This changes things psychologically and leads to more doctrinal 
kinds of religious systems, which are more recognizable when we look at 
world religions today.”

Joseph Henrich, chair of the Department of Human Evolutionary Biology at 
Harvard University, sees it differently. He contends that moralizing gods 
spurred societal complexity because belief in moralizing gods leads to 
success in intergroup competition. It increased trust and cooperation among 
a growing population of relative strangers, he said, and buttressed traits 
like bravery in warfare. “The word ‘moralizing’ is not a useful term,” 
though, he added. “People use it casually, because people are interested in 
morality, but the theory specifies this very specific set of things that 
increase your success in intergroup competition. Most people want to call 
greater cooperation, helping strangers, things like that, moral. That’s 
just a Western preoccupation.”

I caught up with Henrich earlier this month to discuss the anthropological 
chicken-and-egg problem of whether gods or complex societies came first. He 
was gracious in defending his position that gods were the bonds that 
allowed societies to gain strength and grow.
[image: Fellow-2]*A MEME SCIENTIST:* When it comes to studying religion, 
says Joseph Henrich (above), “I’m in the tradition of cultural evolution, 
where we build mathematical models, study the details of how children 
learn. There’s some relation to memes. Imagine memes, but with lots of 
science.”Courtesy of Joseph Henrich

*How did gods help build societies?*

The way to think about it is that there’s lots of different groups coming 
to different beliefs about their gods. You find gods that care about what 
kind of foods you eat, who you have sex with, how you have sex, how you 
treat your neighbors, how you treat strangers, and some of these things 
help societies to expand and grow. Some just appeal to various aspects of 
our psychology so they can stick around because they fit human psychology 
well. These beliefs are favored by some groups and lead to competition with 
others. And these religious beliefs, including rituals, have allowed 
society to scale up.

*Does that help explain why certain religions have merged into the ones 
that we see today? For example, in the Bible, you can see traces of beings 
that existed in Mesopotamian myths.*

Exactly. In Mesopotamia, there’s this rich exchange of different 
supernatural beliefs. The Jewish god is changing through time. Robert 
Wright has a nice book on this, *The Evolution of God*, showing how you go 
from this kind of desert war god into the god of Christianity today.

*What is driving that transformation?*

Things like a belief in a contingent afterlife, and a belief in free will, 
got picked out because they helped societies expand the sphere of social 
interaction. They did things like galvanize trade and incentivize bravery 
and warfare.

People who believe in gods that are more punishing, or more moralizing, are 
more generous.

*If moralizing or punishing gods didn’t emerge from complex societies, what 
did they emerge from?*

Gods that do some degree of punishing can be found across diverse 
societies, including among hunter-gatherers. Essentially, many gods in 
small-scale societies are like people, but with some extra, though limited, 
powers. People are punishing, sometimes, so naturally the gods are too. 
Intergroup competition essentially “picked out” and recombined the gods 
that helped societies succeed, whether by inducing cooperation or bravery 
in war. This meant, over time, gods became more powerful, knowing, and 
punishing as societies scaled up.

*How do you know that small-scale societies had a moralizing god?*

We have extensive ethnographic evidence from anthropological fieldwork as 
well as from the reports of travelers, missionaries, and others. One 
compilation of such evidence is called the Ethnographic Atlas, which is a 
compilation of 1,200 societies that anthropologists have studied. They have 
differing degrees of social complexity, and they have some information 
about the supernatural agents that people believe in. Various projects in 
different times and places have tried to say something about those gods, 
and tried to code them as moralizing or high gods or different kinds of 
things like that. Just from looking at that, you can get a rough sense that 
even by stringent criteria, these societies, that are about chiefdom level, 
not hunter-gatherers, will have some of these kinds of moralizing gods. Of 
course, there are problem with this source, so we look across many 
different sources.

*How did competing religious beliefs spur societies to expand?*

The idea is you can be more competitive against other societies. Instead of 
cooperating with just members of your clan, cooperate with the whole 
village, or some collection of villages. We’ve done experiments, where we 
had people divide sums of money between themselves or a member of their own 
village, and someone else in a more distant community. What we find is 
people who believe in gods that are more punishing, or more moralizing, are 
more equitable in how they allocate money between themselves or a member of 
their village in these more distant communities.
[image: Sapolsky_TH-F1] <http://issue/26/Color/about-your-skin>
Also in Anthropology <http://term/f/Anthropology>  About Your Skin 
<http://issue/26/Color/about-your-skin>

Skin may seem like a superficial human attribute, but it’s the first thing 
we notice about anyone we meet. Nina Jablonski came to this realization 
many years ago when she was teaching a human anatomy class to young medical 
students...*READ MORE <http://issue/26/Color/about-your-skin>*

*Why does a moralizing god cause people to be more equitable?*

The data shows that people’s beliefs, specifically about the god’s power to 
punish and monitor them, is associated with their expanded pro-sociality. 
This suggests that at some level they don’t want to get punished.

*Whitehouse and his colleagues write that social complexity precedes the 
advent of “moralizing gods” and hinges on an analysis of the Seshat 
database. In May, * <https://psyarxiv.com/jwa2n>*you published a response* 
<https://psyarxiv.com/jwa2n>*, “Corrected analyses show that moralizing 
gods precede complex societies but serious data concerns remain.” What was 
the problem?*

Well, we show in our paper, if you look at the original data, it’s mostly 
not available, all the way up until God suddenly bursts into existence, 
which is super highly correlated with the emergence of writing. It’s kind 
of like society gets ready, and they write down that they have these gods, 
and suddenly it gets recorded in Seshat as having moralizing gods. 
Whitehouse and his colleagues re-coded the missing data as zeroes. They 
turned an absence of evidence into evidence of absence.

Many Christians today believe in a loving God. Belief in Hell is on the 
decline.

*What do you mean when you say, in your paper, that Whitehouse’s analysis 
suffered from “forward bias,” and how did you correct for that?*

Forward bias is the idea that any time you look back in time to estimate 
the first appearance of a trait—when you have evidence of that trait—you 
say that the trait is actually older. For example, if we find evidence that 
humans had fire 200,000 years ago, we can be sure that, as a statistical 
fact, unless we think we found the actual first time anyone ever made a 
fire, that we’re finding it later than it actually appeared. So dates in 
archeology and history are always forward biased, at least statistically. 
One of the analyses we did was just to minimally correct for forward bias 
by moving back the smallest amount of time possible in the Seshat database, 
which is one century. When you push things back one century, it reverses 
the results. So rather than social complexity preceding moralizing gods, 
you get moralizing gods before the big increase in social complexity.

*How did religious rituals help expand cooperation in a community?*

In a couple of ways. In smaller communities, high intensity rituals create 
solidarity with their synchronous movement, music, and dancing. To create 
larger imagined communities, there are doctrinal rituals where you get a 
group of people who repeat the same thing. As that religion expands, 
congregations are repeating the same words. They’re getting the same 
doctrine, the same beliefs. That’s guaranteeing a uniformity of beliefs. So 
the ritual does a lot of work in increasing people’s sociality.

There’s also doctrinal rituals about how people engage in costly sacrifice. 
It could be donating money, it could be sacrificing an animal, it could be 
just giving up your time. All of these things help persuade the next 
generation that these things are worth believing in. We call them 
“credibility enhancing displays.”

So rituals evolve to standardize the beliefs. They do things like saying 
words in unison, they put the words into mouths of prestigious individuals. 
All of this increases the cultural transition across generations. It helps 
the next generation believe deeply in the supernatural agent, and that’s 
what creates the bonds in a community.

*Does this cultural transition lead to a genetic transition?*

Sure, you can draw an analogy to a kind of cultural fitness. That would 
lead to success and intergroup competition because the norms are more 
successful. It also appeals to aspects of our psychology and leads to 
having more babies. So cultural evolution can be affected by reproduction, 
as well as genetic evolution. One of the things that is clearly going on is 
that early Christians, say third century, and Mormons in the 19th century, 
were having many more babies than the than people around them.

*Do you think that trend is happening now?*

Yes, that’s still true about Evangelical Protestantism.

Secular institutions can take the place of God. But this doesn’t work 
without effective secular institutions.

*What about intergroup competition? Do you see that playing out among 
religious beliefs today?*

I think you see that ISIS was a religious mutation that tried to spread, 
and was moderately successful in spreading for a period. It eventually got 
put down by secular institutions. But it’s the classic thing that in the 
past, sometimes they spread and die, and sometimes they take over. You can 
tell that story about the spread of lots of religions. Early Islam spread 
very rapidly over a big space of area. So I think this continues to happen.

*A recent Gallup poll reported that 60 percent of Americans would now 
consider voting for an atheist. What do you make of declining religious 
belief or, at least the de-stigmatization of public atheism given the 
apparent role belief in moralizing gods plays in supporting cooperation 
amongst strangers?*

The acceptance of atheists is the trailing figure on a bunch of trends, 
right? That same stack can be applied, for example, to having female and 
gay politicians—atheists are actually the lowest on that grouping. It seems 
clear that with the rise of strong secular institutions, representative 
governments, Western-style judicial processes, religion has become less and 
less important. And, in fact, one of the things our research shows is that 
it’s belief in a kind of punishing god that does a lot of the work of 
keeping people in line and policing people. What many Christians have today 
is a belief in this loving, kind God, who’s not much of a punisher. In 
fact, belief in Hell is on the decline. Ara Norenzayan has work showing 
that, if you believe God’s punishing and loving, you’re actually more 
likely to cheat. It’s the belief in Hell that seemed to do a lot of the 
work of keeping people in line.

*Does research suggest that effective secular institutions can keep people 
in line?*

Let’s say we give people a chance to allocate money between themselves and 
a stranger. If you prime them with God unconsciously and they’re a 
religious person, like a Christian or Muslim, then you get a big increase 
in the amount that they give. If you prime an atheist with that, you don’t 
get any effect. But if you prime an atheist with courts and constables and 
police, you also get an increase—and you get that with a religious person. 
So it seems like effective secular institutions can take the place of God. 
But this doesn’t work in places without effective secular institutions. If 
the police are corrupt and nobody trusts the police, priming people with 
the police doesn’t help.

*Does this mean we don’t need to return to Judeo-Christian values for 
secular institutions to function well?*

Right. The argument would be the Danish or the Dutch. These are places 
where there are high levels of atheism, very little belief in traditional 
religion, but super well-functioning societies. It could be like climbing a 
ladder: Once we build these things, then we don’t need religion anymore. 
But we never could have built these secular institutions without religion 
in the first place.

*Brian Gallagher is the editor of Facts So Romantic, the* Nautilus *blog. 
Follow him on Twitter@brianga11agher <https://twitter.com/brianga11agher>.*

-- 
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups 
"Everything List" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email 
to everything-list+unsubscr...@googlegroups.com.
To view this discussion on the web visit 
https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/everything-list/3a029952-8b52-49a7-8a45-8e868a0c2bd6%40googlegroups.com.

Reply via email to