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>From: Tim Rourke <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>Subject: A WORLD IN ECONOMIC CRISIS*D
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>A WORLD IN ECONOMIC CRISIS*
>
>By Johan Galtung, dr hc mult, Professor of Peace Studies
>American Ritsumeikan Troms" Witten/Herdecke Universities
>Director, TRANSCEND: A Peace and Development Network
>-----------------------------------
>
>
>6.  Conclusion and summary.
>
>     The reader is invited to look at the effort to summarize
>the argument in the chart on the next page, adding some more
>context variables to this basically economic analysis.  The flow
>of the chart is from left to right, with the underlying and the
>independent variables to the left, the intervening variable in
>the middle, and the dependent variables to the right.
>
>     The ruling economic system in the world today is the system
>of the ruling region, the West, and carries, of course, the
>signature of the deep culture of that region, its cosmology,
>referred to as Occident I; the Occident in its expansion
>mode./32/
>
>     One basic aspect of that cosmology is the conceptualization
>of Time; equipped not only with the Idea of Progress, but with
>Beginning and End, Paradise, the Fall, the Darkness, the Light,
>and after the Progress the Crisis with the two possibilities:
>Catharsis or Apocalypsis.  The two great prophets, Adam Smith
>and Karl Marx, both flashed the Light (blue light, and then red,
>but Light)  after the Darkness of feudalism/mercantilism, and of
>capitalism, or of the entire past for that matter (equipped with
>the paradises of village markets and primitive communism, and
>the fall when humankind strayed away), promising the catharsis
>of capitalism and socialism/capitalism, equipping both with
>crisis. Smith psychologized, talking about the idiotizing effect
>of routine work;Marx politicized, equipping capitalism with more
>crisis than Smith, but then talked about counter-revolutions.
>Basically, however, they both promised Catharsis in the End.
>
>     But the Occident is no stranger to Crisis.  The Occident
>loves Crisis, feeds on Crisis.  There is a whole pornography of
>crisis, highly exciting, on display in the media at all times.
>
>     The mainstream ideology of economism guarantees crisis and
>will deliver provided the following four axioms are
>followed:/33/
>
>A1: there is no floor for economic activity, no "basic needs"
>
>A2: there is no ceiling for economic growth, no upper limit
>
>A3: there is the market steered by cost-benefit self-interest
>
>A4: the sum of one zillion egoisms is altruism (Invisible Hand)
>
>That the crisis guaranteed will be delivered also follows from
>one simple consideration: in a finite world any infinite move in
>the same direction will run against some wall, ie., into crisis.
>Either the move stops, or undergoes some curvature (Einstein).
>
>     On the margin are alternative cosmologies within or outside
>the Occident, like buddhism, substituting stability for progress
>and economically subsistence for growth.  They are considered
>highly subversive by mainstream Occident, even feeble-minded.
>
>     As growth continues the domain expands from the Center,
>through such mechanisms as globalization, privatization (so that
>the growth is not impeded by State concerns), and increased
>productivity (technology).  And the scope deepens with an
>incredible variety of products and financial objects.
>
>     The net result in the first run is increasing inequality at
>the global level, right now growing at an unparalleled speed.
>Assets are channeled away from labor-sellers to capital-holders,
>the global upper classes indulge in luxuries, some investment
>and much speculation; the middle classes in normal consumption
>(and quite a lot of it); the global lower classes live in
>pandemic poverty and misery, possibly hearing voices about its
>eradication when dying, like plague and cholera patients before
>the advent of modern medicine.  Snake oil is distributed by the
>IMF, as also to the patients of the pandemics of earlier ages.
>
>     The interface between rapid accumulation of financial
>instruments and sluggish growth of the productive economy
>because of underdemand or oversupply (depending on the viewing
>angle) spells crisis.  The crisis then hits the global upper
>classes as lack of confidence in their own instruments, with
>accumulation of massive debt and bankruptcies at the national,
>corporate, and private levels.  And it hits the global lower
>classes with blunt misery and its concomitants: massive violence
>(like crime in order to redistribute wealth) and massive
>migration, like one billion on the march by, say, the 2030s./34/
>
>     In the midst stands the IMF, extending more credit (debt)
>in return for "conditionalities" that add up to more economic
>freedom for the global upper classes, and more misery for the
>lower classes.  A figure soon to fall, tragic in its absurdity.
>
>     On the chart margins are some extra-economic contexts.
>
>     First, it is inconceivable that two centuries of unbridled
>smithism, with its four axioms, in the very center of the West,
>geographically (Anglo-Saxon) and socially (the corporations),
>should not have a basic impact on the two constituents of social
>reality, culture and structure.  If people are told that society
>is at its best when everybody behaves in his/her own interest
>they may end up not only doing so but even believing it.
>
>     The result is anomie, a condition feared by sociologists:
>the absence of compelling norms beyond sheer egoism.  Solidarity
>and altruism are considered anachronisms, the social steering is
>increasingly by the pain/pleasure principle.  One expression is
>massive corruption, another is massive sect-formation in search
>of new guidance.  Nations can easily become such sects, hence
>the particularly vicious character of nationalism these days.
>
>     Second, when the individual constitutes him/herself as the
>atom of social reality and the society as a noble/inert gas with
>no molecules, then the social fabric (el tejido social, le tissu
>social) will suffer, disrupt, fragment.  I refer to that state
>of atomization as atomie/35/.  Combined with anomie we get a
>society of egoistic leibnizian monads, uncoordinated by any
>divine plan except its latterday substitute: the "discipline of
>the market". The result is violence, why not eliminate people in
>the way, and sect-formation, to provide new social fabric; and
>then its mega-reflections, massive violence and migration.  The
>latter comes more easily when the fabric has unraveled anyway.
>
>     The cycles introduced by Khaldun and Sarkar are useful in
>this connection, among other reasons precisely because they
>offer cyclical perspectives instead of Western linearity ending
>with the apocalyptic crash (against the wall of finiteness) or
>the catharsis of Endzustand, j'y suis, j'y reste.
>
>     Sarkar combines in his thinking the concern with the
>vertical social dialectic between high and low, the exploited
>and/or repressed, and the horizontal dialectic between the three
>key elites: the military, the intellectuals and the merchants
>(kshatriyah, brahmin, vaishya).  A key question is, who suffers
>so much as to be the next in line when any one of them is in
>power?  According to Sarkar the military will be followed by the
>intellectuals (who have to be sustained by the state), and the
>intellectuals by the merchants.  The net result is a circulation
>of elites, on top of people.
>
>     That the military are intellectually uncouth, and that
>intellectuals struggle for freedom of expression (especially for
>themselves) is easily understood.
>
>     That the intellectuals supported by the state come up with
>all kinds of state-led economies to please the hand that feeds
>them, at the expense of the free initiative of the private
>sector, is also easily seen.
>     And, that the merchants are so exploitative in their search
>for market share and profit that the masses finally protest,
>with major upheavals, also rings true.
>
>     Sarkar's point is that at that the merchants now run to the
>military, usually also with the support of the intellectuals,
>demanding that they do "something".  That brutish "something" is
>then done, and later on the military will usually be blamed as
>the sole responsible. They may find it unjust.
>
>     We are now living in the age of the merchant.  Like at the
>beginning of the French revolution democracy and human rights
>(but civil-political more than social-economic rights) are in
>their interest.  The synchronization of this age around the
>world, in widely disparate societies, has much to do with the
>collapse of dictatorial state planning (by intellectuals) in the
>socialist countries at the end of the Cold War, but also
>testifies to the general level of globalization of the planet
>(with the obvious thesis that the dialectic is artificially
>imposed on many societies).  Of course, some intellectuals have
>survived the transition: those at the service of the merchants,
>glorifying their endeavors,  helping them obtain their goals:
>the mainstream economists and the specialists of business
>administration; and, of course, the kinds of intellectuals
>needed for the production and distribution processes.  Pure
>intellectuals are out, except for decorative purposes.
>
>     During the age of the merchant globalizing, privatizing
>economies look as normal and natural as building alliances,
>preparing for a major nuclear holocaust and military rule
>(possibly with some politicos up front) during Cold or Hot Wars.
>That age of the military was also globalizing, being based to a
>large extent on coordinated military logistic capacity in
>alliances and counter-alliances.  The age of the intellectual
>was a short, but important aspect of the last part of the Cold
>War, and its short aftermath. Then came the merchants.  And just
>as the ultima ratio, the final argument, of the military is the
>gun, and of the intellectual the word, the final argument of the
>merchant is money.  To argue with the gun is also known as
>violence, war, massacre; to argue with the money as corruption.
>To argue through words is a two-way dialogue, as opposed to the
>one-way order of the military and the one-way advertising of the
>merchant.  Democracy is more easily accommodated during the age
>of the intellectual; and global markets during the age of the
>merchant. They combine in buying political to fund politicians.
>
>     A basic point in Sarkar's theory is that no age is forever
>They are all one-sided exaggerations, playing on one or a few
>human faculties instead of on the full panoply of human energies
>and inclinations.  This also applies to the age of the merchant,
>which probably will be surprisingly short-lived.  There will be
>political uprisings and individual migration all over, among
>other reasons because of the failure of the market system to
>distribute the fruits of the endeavors.  Except, that is, under
>the assumption of a more balanced system capable of steering
>both the vertical and the horizontal dialectics toward some kind
>of harmony.  The dream of good politics!
>
>     Khaldun adds to this another cycle with four phases: the
>New replaces the Old; the New gets settled and flourishes; the
>next generation lives off the fruits; and the generation after
>that squanders what was once so shiny, incapable of renewal./36/
>Time has come for the new New, the Bedouins breaking the gates.
>
>     This reads like the story of the October revolution and the
>Soviet rise, decline and fall; about four generations.  No doubt
>Yeltsin looked to many as that new New, capable of renewal and
>a rapid transition to catharsis.  In a very dualist/37/ culture
>Gorbachev sounded like a messenger from the past. A deeper story
>would be that the Yeltsinites went straight to Khaldun IV, the
>era of corruption.  And a still better perspective might be that
>they were just the last part of the Khaldun IV of the Soviet
>system, with anomie and atomie and their concomitants--massive
>corruption, violence and sect formation--rampant.
>
>     Where are we now, given that globalization synchronizes the
>national dynamics, at least at the top level?  Something was
>ushered in, and not only in the ex-Soviet/socialist countries:
>hyper-capitalism.  No doubt brilliant, shiny in its visible
>manifestations, such as the buildings of banks (remembering that
>"bank" is the first syllable in "bankruptcy"). There is also
>much gold behind what glitters.  But it looks as if the system
>is equipped with an accelerator pushing us through Khaldunian
>phases at a speed defying "generation".  The name of that
>accelerator: the computer, with real time internet global co-
>existence.  The name of the economic manifestation: speculation.
>
>     Prognosis: It will get worse: mass violence and migration.
>
>     Therapy: Reverse all the above. But how?  Building Zones of
>subsistence?  Themes for the next papers, or chapters.
>-----------------------------------
>
>NOTES
>
>* The author would like to acknowledge the valuable comments by
>participants in seminars where this paper has been presented,
>particularly at Ritsumeikan University  4 November 1998 and at
>Universit“t Witten/Herdecke 9 December 1998; particularly
>Akifumi Fujita.  I am also as always very grateful for comments
>by Dietrich Fischer, and for comments by Ash Amin. The paper was
>written when the author was Fellow at the Swedish College for
>Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences, Uppsala, Spring 1999.
>-----------------------------------
>
>
>32.  For an elaboration, see Johan Galtung, Peace By Peaceful
>Means, London/Thousand Oaks/New Delhi: SAGE, 1996, Part IV,
>"Civilization Theory".
>
>33.  Jim Duffy, "A Fundamentally Flawed Economic Script"
>summarizes the economic script in three similar axioms
>([EMAIL PROTECTED]):
>[1] Human needs are nonexistent.
>[2] Human wants are infinite and insatiable.
>[3] The essence of human motivation is self-interest.
>
>34.  One of the very few saying the obvious is Dieter Brauer,
>the editor of Development & Cooperation (No. 5/1998, p. 3): "It
>is he poor who are footing the bill.  In Indonesia, the current
>daily minimum wage is 4,400 rupiah or about 30 US cents.
>Reports say that even this low wage is not always paid by
>employees.--The poor who had no hand in the making of the crisis
>should not be the only ones to suffer".  Pious wish.  Chances
>are they will be met by water-cannons, tear gas and bullets, not
>a decent economic system.
>     Manuell Castells (UNRISD News, No. 19, Autumn/Winter 1998),
>in "Informational Capitalism and Social Exclusion", quotes the
>expanding 20/20 ratio and the fact that "extreme poverty, or
>misery - usually defined as the proportion of people who are
>below 50 percent of the poverty line - is the lot of the fastest
>growing segment of the poor population in almost every country.
>And as a significant number of people are being excluded from
>access to regular jobs, they are moving into the shop floor of
>crime. --It is urgently necessary to reverse the downward spiral
>of exclusion and to use information and communication
>technologies to empower humankind".  Agree. The system, however,
>will use exactly those technologies to control humankind.
>     As a third example take John Naisbitt's Megatrends, Warner
>Books 1984, the chapter "From a National Economy to a World
>Economy", pp. 53-79.  Not one single word about the impending
>crisis, already highly visible at the time of publication (the
>USA crisis, the Mexican crisis in 1982, for instance). The
>conclusion is n terms of increasing global interdependence with
>no single word lost on the plight of the poor but with a
>warning: To understand the U.S. economy today we have to look at
>the economic health of each of the states and each of the
>business sectors" (p. 73).  True, macro-economics has its
>limitations.  But where are people?  Had he given some attention
>to that he would never conclude with the naive "World Peace
>Through World Trade: Instead of resisting economic
>interdependence, we should be embracing it wholeheartedly. In my
>view it is our great hope for peace".  Unfortunately, people not
>only states also enter in the equation.  The current system is
>a massive war on common people.
>
>35.  See Johan Galtung, "On the Social Costs of Modernization.
>Social Disintegration, Atomie/Anomie and Social Development",
>Development and Change, April 1996, Vol. 27, No. 2, pp. 397-413.
>
>36.  The Japanese politician Shintaro Ishihara, in his book The
>Economic War Declaration, sees the "Asian Crisis" more as a very
>deliberate strategy by the USA to destroy sufficient economic
>capacity in Asia, including Japan, for the USA to take over
>collapsed companies.  The now classical case would be the take-
>over of the brokerage firm Yamaichi by Merrill Lynch, partly
>brought about when the rating agencies Standard&Poor and Moody
>lowered the rating for Yamaichi.  My point is, however, that
>such things will happen even when not intended, and will also
>hit the USA, as it did in the 1970s and 1980s when Chrysler
>needed a major government bailout, New York went bankrupt, the
>Savings and Loans system collapsed and had to be bailed out by
>the tax-payers, property prices were falling all over and on top
>of that there was a stock market crash 15 October 1987.
>     Is this a case of Japan unable to renew itself, easily
>taken over by innovative Americans and Bedouins?  Or, is the
>problem that the Americans deep down know the shortcoming of
>their own economy and substitute aggression for innovation?
>After all, there is a handwriting on the wall, uncomfortably
>similar:
>     Contemplate the following headlines (from the archives of
>the Japan Times (& Mail, October 27 1929; deadline Washington,
>October 24 1929): "Hoover Assures American Trade is on a Sound
>Basis" - "Bottom is knocked off the New York Stock Exchange" -
>"All Prices Drop" - "President Declares Reports Show Employment
>Situation is Good". Thus, whenever there is s drop on the stock
>market the US media come out with similar statements, and with
>interviews with people in the street, ten out of ten declaring
>that they have faith in the economy.  The doctrine of the self-
>fulfilling prophecy (Thomas-Znaniecki) has some, but not
>unlimited validity.  Of course, nobody will sustain the thesis
>that there will be an exact replay of October 1929.  Thus, my
>thesis is that the crisis is already there and that much
>selective blindness is needed not to see it.
>
>37.  The price paid for seeing the world in terms of only two
>possibilities, "either communism or capitalism" and "communism
>does not work", was very high indeed:
>     Michel Chossudovsky, "Global Poverty in the Late 20th
>Century", ([EMAIL PROTECTED]) offers the following
>comparison between Nazi-Germany's attack on the Soviet Union
>during the Second world war and the workings of capitalism:
>"following the German occupation of Byelorussia and parts of the
>Ukraine in 1941, and the extensive bombing of Soviet industrial
>infrastructure the Soviet GDP had by 1942 declined by 22 percent
>in relation to pre-war levels.  In contrast, industrial output
>in the former Soviet Union plummeted by 48.8 percent and GDP by
>44.0 percent between 1989 and 1995 according to official data,
>and output continues to fall".  Of course, the mechanical impact
>of sustained bombing hits the material aspects of the economy;
>jungle capitalism hits its inner workings.
>     A morbid consequence of the economic catastrophe in
>Ukraina, as in ex-Soviet Union in general: "elderly people in
>eastern Ukraine who have not received pension payments for five
>months have been offered free coffins as an alternative"
>



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