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>Subject: A WORLD IN ECONOMIC CRISIS*B
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>A WORLD IN ECONOMIC CRISIS*
>
>By Johan Galtung, dr hc mult, Professor of Peace Studies
>American Ritsumeikan Troms" Witten/Herdecke Universities
>Director, TRANSCEND: A Peace and Development Network
>-----------------------------------
>
>
>3.  On the hyper-capitalism crisis: the independent cluster
>
>     We are dealing with a conjunction of factors, and it would
>be misleading to do what many do, use "globalization" to cover
>the causal burden alone.  But globalization certainly matters,
>and more particularly in its dynamic expression, as
>
>[1] Increasing globalization: global market penetration by
>corporations that under the WTO regime (Uruguay Round) are truly
>transnational (not merely multi-national), making state borders
>and national origin irrelevant. Of course this has consequences.
>
>     For one thing, in spite of superb networking and real time
>decision-making, the world is not only big, but also complex,
>making global and holistic analyses difficult.  We would expect
>more imbalances/asynchronies in the consumption/production and
>the production/finance interfaces across such huge distances in
>space and time, not to mention in social (= structural+cultural)
>space.  Even in a local village market there may be an excess,
>or a deficit of products at the end of the day, and prices may
>go down or up.  The money-lender may have given credit
>insufficiently informed by heart and/or brain.  How, then, about
>the nation, the state, the region, the world?
>
>     The Soviet answer was to impose balance through planning,
>diktat; in practice focusing on production only, disregarding
>consumer demand except for necessities (this was the strong
>point); and on the production economy only. The approach was
>reductionist, assuming the primacies of necessities and of
>production. But the hyper-capitalist way is also reductionist
>(therein lies its commando character): supply-side monetarism
>gives primacy to production/supply over consumption/demand, and
>to the finance economy over the productive economy.
>
>     The consequences in terms of overproduction, relative to
>demand backed up by purchasing power, and undersupply of
>necessities because they are not "demanded", only needed, are
>obvious, as are also short term gains for financiers and
>managers.  But here we have another perspective: reductionism as
>a response to information overload.  Globalization makes the
>economy even more of a morass; some simple guiding principles
>are needed. The Soviet economy used "State interests first, then
>human needs", by implementing the Plan.  The hyper-capitalists
>use "finance economy first, with stable currencies in space (no
>fluctuation in currency rates) and time (no inflation) over time
>(no fluctuation); then a productive world Market economy driven
>by egoistic cost-benefit."  The marxists reified the Plan and
>the liberals the Market, as expressions of the will of the
>masses/buyers-sellers, when in reality both could easily be
>manipulated by a handful of people (and in fact were and are).
>
>     Second, Smithian, globalizing Anglo-Saxon markets penetrate
>not only the borders between states (eliminating tariff and non-
>tariff barriers), between nations (reducing taste differences),
>center and periphery (reaching the most remote corner/village,
>spearheaded by Coca Cola), classes (only with purchasing power),
>the genders (reducing gender differences in economic behavior),
>but also the border between monetized and non-monetized markets,
>and between growth and subsistence economies.  Local markets are
>destroyed with mass-produced, cheap goods, and the subsistence,
>non-monetized economies by buying/destroying the necessary
>factors of production, such as land and other natural resources.
>National monetized markets started this process, regional
>economies continued, global markets destroy what little is left.
>
>     This has an interesting implication for the position of the
>national elites.  As national markets expanded from the national
>centers, and the economic cycles covered the national territory,
>the local economic cycles contracted. Autonomous local
>producers, distributors and consumers became cogs in machineries
>fueled from the center.  Local sales points were still needed,
>but the center could market directly.  From one end of the
>country to the other consumers bought the same products,
>produced and distributed by the same national companies.  So,
>from one end of the world to the other consumers will now buy
>the same products produced and distributed by the same world
>companies, and just as mail orders became common in the national
>economy, e-mail orders will take over in the global economy.
>That will weaken the position of the local bridgeheads in the
>old multi-national structures, just as nation-building weakened
>the positions of the local economic boss.  They may leave for
>the Center, become employees in a TNC, or join the paupers.  At
>any rate, the theory of imperialism will have to be
>rewritten./12/
>
>     This, incidentally also holds for national State elites: if
>a major function of the State is to facilitate or control
>(depending on whether the system is capitalist or socialist)
>Capital, then facilitation/control has to be done at the Center,
>and the Center moved from the local to the national, and then to
>the region (such as Frankfurt) and to the world (such as
>Washington DC).  And this throws us back to the first point
>above: local and national specific competence has to yield to
>regional and global general principles, making the system even
>more exposed to imbalances/synchronies hard to foretell.  There
>will be less local/national capacity to dampen the impact.
>
>[2]  Increasing privatization: economic cycles are reshunted so
>that they do not pass through the state.  State enterprises with
>the state responsible for production and distribution of the
>goods and services (rail road transportation, PTT communication,
>health delivery, punishment delivery, schooling), are
>increasingly privatized.  Cycles passing through the state for
>some managerial role, such as licensing, may also be reshunted.
>As borders disappear so do duties for anything passing borders.
>Corporations and citizens still pay taxes and receive in return
>the services of l'’tat gendarme, but with the state giving less
>the arguments for the state taking less/13/ are strong,
>including the arguments for a flat tax, like the sales tax.  The
>state is increasingly deprived of utilitarian, contractual
>power, the power of the carrot, and left with the power of the
>stick and whatever moral persuasion the state may be able to
>mobilize.
>
>     The consequences of stripping the state naked are many.
>
>     First, with all its inefficiency, clumsiness, even blunt
>authoritarianism beyond bureaucratic arrogance, the state is the
>most effective mechanism for distribution known to the modern
>social formation based on the tripod of State, Capital and Civil
>Society.  Capital, in the modern form of the corporation, is
>well suited for economic growth measured by capital accumulation
>one way or the other. But left to itself it creates inequalities
>and inequities, and recently seems to abolish more employment
>than it creates, as evidenced by the generally rising rates of
>under- and unemployment./14/  Civil Society may provide
>solidarity and shelter, literally speaking, and has great
>potential if local authorities (LAs) and peoples' organizations
>(NGOs) could cooperate building local economies.  But we are not
>there, yet.
>
>     The State has had two major mechanisms at its disposal:
>- the welfare state, providing necessities through free health
>and education services and insurance against unemployment,
>disease and old age (and subsidized food, clothing and housing).
>The welfare state was financed by customs duties, taxation (more
>or less progressive), sales taxes, luxury taxes, etc.
>
>- countercyclical investment, keynesianism, presupposing
>willingness to invest when the market was at its worst to
>provide the unemployed with wages that could be spent on
>necessities and normalities, keeping the economic wheels turning
>(and meeting their needs for whatever dignity the work offered).
>
>     With less state revenue available for distribution through
>subsidized necessities, keynesian counter-cyclical investment
>etc., we would expect the distribution to deteriorate and rising
>proportions of the lower ranges to sink into the syndrome of
>under/unemployment and misery, also in the MDCs (more developed
>countries).  There are already alarming reports about low tax
>revenue, the prediction being that this is going to get
>worse./15/ The MDC state can no longer afford the welfare state,
>presenting increasingly poor citizens with increasingly
>agonizing choices.
>
>     One particular reason for lower revenue relates to the
>interface with globalization.  Products, resources, (migrant)
>labor, capital and technology have always been mobile, including
>across borders,/16/ what is new is the mobility of the whole
>factory, including (much of) the management.  The decision is,
>of course, based not only on the distance to natural resources
>and markets, on the Q/P (quality over price) of labor, but also
>on taxation.  Today not only low or zero taxes, but negative
>taxes, incentives, are demanded - and offered.  Why not
>relocate?
>
>[3] Increasing stock-holder power: shifting profit away from the
>workers and towards the stock-holders.  This is "privatization
>within the privatization".   A company rests on five pillars:
>
>- the customers, exchanging money for company products;
>
>- the workers, exchanging labor for money (wages)/products;
>
>- the managers, divided into administrative and technical.
>
>- the capital-holders (stock-holders), investing in the company;
>
>In the background is nature, depleted, polluted, unrepresented.
>
>     Much of the theory and practice of the company can be seen
>in terms of shifting alliances.  Strengthen the bond between
>workers and management and we get the Japanese company, sharing
>the ups and downs of the company, fortified through life-long
>employment and seniority promotion.  The workers take out more
>(as bonus) the more time and work they put in, so do managers.
>Rotate workers and management and we get one of the Chinese
>experiments during the cultural revolution.  Abolish managers,
>substitute the State, and we get the Soviet model. Strengthen
>the tie to the customers and we get the cooperative, with the
>customers taking out more (as bonus) the more money they put in.
>Workers strike, or customers boycott, and that may spell the end
>
>     In the hyper-capitalist era capital is the major input and
>output, so capital-holders feel entitled to take out more money
>as dividends the more they put in buying stock. The ratio/17/
>earning/price should be high and increasing, the company should
>offer products high on Q/P, the only thing to cut are employee
>wages.  What they want is downsizing of workers and upsizing of
>earnings; what they get can get as a class is under/unemployed
>people craving for necessities, and not for profitable luxuries
>and normalities.   Sawing off the branch they sit on?
>
>[4]  Increasing labor productivity:  substituting automation for
>routine work, an example being computers for secretaries. At the
>root of this is a simple equation, true by definition:
>
>Production = Productivity x No. of employees x No. of hours
>
>(dividing we get the definition of labor productivity).  If now
>labor productivity increases we get the following possibilities
>if overproduction, relative to demand, is to be avoided:
>
>I. Production/output/supply can be increased, because of
>
>- elimination of competition (fusion, oligopoly, monopoly)
>
>- increasing demand (increasing purchasing power, because of
>more consumers and/or more money available per consumer).
>
>II. Production/output/supply cannot be increased, leading to
>
>- decreasing no. of employees, downsizing, unemployment,
>
>- decreasing no. of hours, shorter days/weeks/months/years/lives
>(more study, more retirement), contract work, underemployment.
>Reality is, of course, a mix of all of this, depending on time,
>space, circumstances, branches. Given the preceding factor, more
>money to the capital-holders, there would be readiness to choose
>[II] in order to engage in [I]: fusing companies, down-sizing,
>farming out contract work with no social costs to pay. The net
>result is less purchasing power, even for necessities. What is
>rational for one company is irrational for the company class.
>
>     If the supply goes where the demand is, then we would
>expect a general shift in production away from necessities to
>normalities and luxuries.  Ocean fishing and fish farming will
>switch toward the expensive varieties (salmon, lobsters, etc.),
>away from the common consumer's simple seafood, and the same
>will probably happen in agriculture (less factor input for
>staples, more for luxury outputs like tropical fruits.)
>
>     There is one obvious road out of the problem, the road not
>travelled: decrease the (labor) productivity.  In principle this
>could open for more employment, more wages to more people, more
>purchasing power, more sales, more revenue.  But it would
>obviously run against the interests of the technology-holders,
>whose task it is to substitute capital for labor via technology.
>They have more power in the average company after the staying
>power of employees through strikes decreased with increasing
>tendency to lay them off anyhow (exception: employees who are
>"indispensable", like flight leaders, pilots, energy operators,
>ambulance drivers). Moreover, technology is more in harmony with
>the Zeitgeist and its idea of progress; not more low-skill work,
>but progress defined as automation/robotization and high-skill
>work.  The typical response of the system would be retraining of
>adults and encouragement to acquire higher level of education.
>As higher education is transformed from luxury for the leisured
>classes via normality to necessity, the demand for eduction will
>become increasingly inelastic, and the fees will go up for
>something the state cannot afford to offer free anyhow.
>
>     In the meantime increasing labor productivity will probably
>proceed at a higher pace than the production of high-skill labor
>that can be gainfully employed; in other words, more people will
>be defined as redundant than those who will find employment.
>
>     Behind this another factor is lurking: the "dangerous
>classes", meaning the working classes.  By tying wages to labor
>productivity, offering wage increase if productivity increases,
>the working classes have been paid to abolish themselves. It
>does not take much empathy to understand how demoralizing this
>has been for the last generation  or so.  We are still there.
>
>[5]  Increasing production of mainstream economists: making the
>blind spots of their economistic discourse private and public
>policy. If we have the economics we deserve, compatible with our
>(Western) deep culture, then we would expect the usual tendency
>toward abstraction of "the economic" away from other factors,
>generalization in time and space, and reification.  We would
>expect a paradigm built around the key measurable variable:
>capital, and its equivalents./18/ We would expect blindness to
>all other spaces, defining what happens there as
>"externalities":/19/ - Nature is seen as resources for humans,
>not as sui generis
>
>- Self is seen as somatic/material pain/pleasure, not spiritual
>
>- Society is seen as a market for egoistic cost-benefit action
>
>- World is seen as a market for national cost-benefit interest
>
>- Culture is seen as irrelevant, economics is space-invariant
>
>- Time is seen as irrelevant, economics is time-invariant
>
>     What remains is a pyramidal, axiomatic paradigm with the
>primacy of economic growth as Axiom No. 1, to be achieved
>through industrialism (at the expense of Nature), individual
>materialism (at the expense of spiritual qualities), egoistic
>competition (at the expense of solidarity), comparative
>advantages (at the expense of freezing the division of labor),
>endless growth (at the expense of a finite world),
>mathematization (at the expense of subtleness, ambiguity) and
>GNP/GGP as the new God (at the expense of all the others).
>
>     The costs of giving power to economists as discourse-
>holders, the tremendous mistakes and lack of foresight, are
>compensated by the benefits: a clear, cosmic goal in a chaotic
>world, at the same time compatible with elite interests.   Die
>herrschende Ideologie is die Ideologie der herrschenden Klasse.
>
>[6] Increasing synergy among these factors due to the IMF,
>together with the World Bank and other US-steered, WDC-based
>Bretton Woods institutions, nominally of the United Nations./20/
>The IMF,/21/ like the smaller members of the family, has taken
>upon itself the D,P,T role of coming up with the diagnosis,
>prognosis and therapy for ailing economies.  However, in the
>medicine chest there is only one medicine (a good reason for
>being skeptical): removal of all constraints on capital-holders:
>
>- globalization, the removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers,
>crowned by a Multilateral Agreement on Investment, possibly the
>last document to be signed by states before they wither away/22/
>(before revolution in capitalist countries, after in socialist):
>
>- privatization, removing the state as an economic actor, by/23/
>
>- eliminating subsidies for necessities and taxes on luxuries,
>
>- privatizing state companies, eliminating keynesian measures,
>
>- lowering taxes
>
>- repatriation of profits from investments
>
>- devaluation of the national currency
>
>- more power to stock-holders, less to trade unions
>
>- higher labor productivity through automation/robotization
>
>- primacy of economism as discourse
>
>     No doubt there is a logic behind this scheme, the logic of
>hyper-capitalism.  The point is that the IMF is in the same
>position as Gosplan/24/ in the Soviet Union to implement their
>reductionist, highly ideological schemes, as public policy.
>They do not create synergies, they are that synergy, capable,
>with the World Bank, of sapping Third World countries for any
>promising young economists, making them parts of the synergy.
>They are also among the most global of organizations, but
>curiously intergovernmental as an instrument of privatization.
>There are some contradictions there that probably will mature.
>
>4.  The intervening crisis variable: asymmetric purchasing power
>
>     The basic facts are known from the latest Human Development
>Report published for the United Nations Development
>Programme,/25/ very much focussed both on basic needs and on
>distribution:/26/
>
>- Three individuals have as much as the 48% poorest countries
>
>- 1.3 billion make less than $1 per day (Indonesia 30 cents).
>
>- the 20/20 ratio: 30 in 1960, 78 in 1991, 82 in 1994.
>- especially bad in LDCs with similar tendencies in MDCs.
>
>     If we use the first two figures for the widening 20/20 gap
>we get a 3.13% growth rate for the gap.  This is higher than the
>growth rate for GGP/capita: there is growth, but the top and
>bottom fifths pull away from each other at an even greater rate.
>
>     What we badly need would be data on world purchasing power.
>The total purchasing power is probably increasing in the sense
>that there is a growing amount of free capital available for
>buying consumer goods.  But distribution is of the essence.
>
>     Imagine the same amount of money available in two countries
>A and B with the same size of the population.  In country A 10%
>of the population has 90% of the capital, in country B the
>capital is evenly distributed.  In A the productive economy
>would focus on luxuries; in B on an equal mix of necessities,
>normalities and luxuries.  Imagine you can make 5% profit on
>necessities, 50% on normalities and 500% on luxuries.  Does that
>not mean more profit in country A?
>
>     The problem with that reasoning is seen from this equation:
>
>Consumption = Consumptivity x No. of consumers x No. of hours
>
>There is an upper limit, even for the RRR, on what they can
>consume, even with very high consumptivity, the "propensity to
>consume".  The task of advertising is to increase consumptivity.
>But the number of consumer-hours available is a limiting factor,
>a strong argument for a more egalitarian distribution.
>-------------------------------------------
>
>NOTES
>
>* The author would like to acknowledge the valuable comments by
>participants in seminars where this paper has been presented,
>particularly at Ritsumeikan University  4 November 1998 and at
>Universit“t Witten/Herdecke 9 December 1998; particularly
>Akifumi Fujita.  I am also as always very grateful for comments
>by Dietrich Fischer, and for comments by Ash Amin. The paper was
>written when the author was Fellow at the Swedish College for
>Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences, Uppsala, Spring 1999.
>-------------------------------------------
>
>
>
>12.  For a theory of what could be called "bridgehead
>imperialism", see Johan Galtung, "A Structural Theory of
>Imperialism", Essays in Peace Research, Vol. IV, Chapter 13,
>Copenhagen: Ejlers, 1974.  The ease of communicative long
>distance control in real time makes the "center in the
>Periphery" dispensable, the local plantation overseers, the
>colonial rulers, the local bourgeoisie, the daughter company
>CEO. The "center in the Center" could base its rule on a very
>high level of fragmentation, very many small producers, and
>direct information control.
>
>13.  To paraphrase the Bible: The State giveth, the State
>taketh, the name of the State be praised.  But there has to be
>a balance between in and out.
>
>14.  In an article summarizing the increase 1983-95 in the
>percentage of temporary workers (may work a full week but move
>from company to company) and part-time workers (less than 35
>hours a week, but may be permanent employees) the conclusion is:
>"Temporary workers typically receive benefits and pay comparable
>to those of full-time workers, but they do not have the job
>security.  Parti-time workers tend to be paid less and receive
>fewer benefits".  The problem is that the term "job" covers all
>categories, giving a false picture of the situation.
>
>15.  Susan George, in "Pour la reforme du systeme financier
>international: A la racine du mal", Le Monde Diplomatique,
>January 1999, quotes Institute for Business Research and Tax
>Watch for an estimate of $12-50 billion the loss of revenue
>because TNCs declare income in other countries.  In Die Woche,
>2 October 1998, p. 17 we read the following:  "So ist im Laufe
>der vergangenen Jahre das Steueraufkommen der deutschen
>Grossindustrie auf den niedrigsten Stand der Nachkriegszeit
>gesunken".
>
>16.  For a view of globalization as [1] very old and [2] not
>brought about by the West after the "discoveries", see Andre
>Gunder Frank, ReORIENT, Berkely/Los Angeles/London: University
>of California Press, 1998.
>
>17.  This ratio is usually given the other way round, as the
>price/earning ratio but makes better sense as earning/price
>ratio.
>
>18.  The equivalents would be anything monetized, reducing "what
>is" to capital in one form or the other.  Physics, the model for
>economics as a science, has at least four: space, time, mass and
>an electric dimension.  And yet, what happened to "this stone is
>so nice to look at, and, when held, gives a good feeling the
>hand"? Answer: to some extent recovered by the arts.  Is that a
>good answer, or would it have been better to enrich physics?
>What is the corresponding answer to economistic reductionism?
>
>19.  Known to medical science as "side-effects", and it has
>taken centuries to have them ecognized as  part of the
>discourse. They are still with a few exceptions suppressed in
>economics.
>
>20.  Nothing of any significance  would happen to or in the
>Bretton-Woods institutions against the will of the US Congress;
>hence an obvious wish to have these institutions cover much of
>the activity of he United Nations Specialized Agencies as a
>whole.
>
>21.  In South Korea these initials are interpreted as "I'M
>Fired".
>
>22.  This, is of course not so obvious if we adopt a dialectic,
>probably more correct view of history: the reinvention and a new
>beginning for the State will come, if for no other reason
>because of its distributive roles.
>
>23. These are, with some variations, the conditions or
>"conditionalities" for credit.
>



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