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BJP'S BAIT: THE CALCULUS OF STAYING IN POWER BJP is going to the polls with its slogan of "good governance". Vijay de Souza offers, via the Herald, a comprhensive analysis of the gambits and the games, the strategies and the strengths that helped keep the BJP in power in Goa for its 16 month tenure. PANJIM: Instead of the BJP taking the onus of living upto its dictum of "the party with a difference", it was BJP stalwart Manohar Parrikar, as a chief minister, who managed to stand out from the rest of the pack. This difference could not only been judged from his political acumen, but also his style of functioning. Parrikar, as a chief minister had many first to his credit when he assumed the chair in October 2000. First technocrat chief minister. First legislator to become a chief minister without being a minister. He is also Goa's first Saraswat chief minister, which is significant in Goan caste-dominated society. Mr Parrikar also has another first to his credit. He holds the not-so-humble distinction of being the first to head a government, numerically crammed with more defectors, than the original members of his party. When the Parrikar government went in for dissolution, it claimed that it was providing an opportunity for the people to elect a stable government. It argued that due to the heterogeneous composition of the government, he could not fulfill all the aspirations of the people. BJP perhaps want everyone to forget the manner in which it came to power, via a well-executed coup in October 2000. The situation was much worse then, than what it was during the fag end of February 2002. After the BJP suddenly withdrew support to the 11-month old coalition government, when the then chief minister Francisco Sardinha had hopped over for a few days to the land of kangaroos, there was a large element of risk involved, in forming an alternative government. Significantly then, the party position after the Congress split was: 10 BJP, two MGP, 9 Congress, four-member Congress splinter group headed by Ravi Naik, four-member INC Shaikh Hassan group, 7-member Sardinha's GPCP, 4-member breakaway GPCP (Bandu group), one NCP and one Independent (Isidore Fernandes). In such a situation, it was clear that no government, if formed, would last the remainining part of the term (that is, till June 2004). And going by the composition, the situation was of the worst sort, as MLAs involved in the fray were ideologically poles apart. Undeterred by this, the BJP with its desire for power, cobbled up a government. Somewhere during this time, Ravi Naik as well as Khalap & Co (both former MGP men) reportedly wanted to revive the beleagured MGP. When they (Sanjay Bandekar, Manohar Babu Azgonkar besides Ravi and Khalap) split, (being fed up with Congress politics), this group as well as Shaikh Hassan group (his other members being Jose Philip, Filipe Neri Rodrigues and Prakash Velip) were very reluctant to join the BJP, as they were not certain of being accepted by their voters, riding the Lotus symbol in their respective constituencies. Parrikar, when he finally formed the government on October 24, 2000 with a 14-member ministry, he threw the party's election manifesto to the winds, as the party had promised that the cabinet would not comprise of more than eight ministers. No doubt, it was the role of the Speaker Pratapsing Rane over the fate of 15 disqualification petitions, that gave some stability to the BJP government. But equally important was Parrikar's style of functioning, which always appeared to involve a calculated and pragmatic approach. Right from day one, he tried to placate all those he viewed as potential troublemakers for his government. Apparently, he understood the game of 'political-management' well. He knew, that it was not just important to keep his flock happy, but also ensured, that "friends" in the opposition camp were also kept satisfied. And that is exactly what he did. Take the example of Churchill Alemao. Notwithstanding their relations now, the Congress heavyweight from Benaulim, used to be seen often at the official residence of the chief minister. In the prevailing circumstances then, Parrikar knew that Churchill was an important factor in the Goan politics for various reasons. It was not only Churchill, but there were quite a few in the Congress he had cultivated. Suresh Parulekar is another politically important entity, as his "capabilities" are well known. Parrikar made yet another political compromise by embracing Parulekar in the party. Not without reason, for Parulekar's skills are feared, thus it was important to placate him. Also, instead of making the ministers bee-line to his cabin, Parrikar pioneered a system by visiting ministers' chambers himself, armed with files. At times, his sudden visits also gave him an inkling about the persons hobnobbing with his partymen. Parrikar was also aware, that giving cabinet berths was not the only thing that could keep a minister happy. What was also required, was the development of their respective constituencies. Velim, which was represented by Tourism Minister Filipe Neri Rodrigues, has witnessed development, which was never seen in the constituency in the past. That too in such a short span, indicating that Parrikar gave priority for development of the constituency depending upon the loyalty of the legislator. Industries minister, Shaikh Hassan Haroon's constituency Mormugao and Panchayat Minister Manohar (Babu) Azgaonkar's D hargalim, are among the ones which are known to have seen development during the 16-month rule. Parulekar's Calangute constiteuncy was no exception, as it benefited much, particularly as far as water supply and road network is concerned. A couple of ministers confided in the journalist, that never had they received such funds for development in their constiteuncies from the Congress government, even when they were in ruling benches. "I had to virtually beg for a few lakhs to complete some development work in my constituency," one minister added. Interestingly, while analysing the causes of defection in the Congress, the party High Command noted that lack of development in the constiteuncies represented by party-members was one of the reasons, responsible for splits. It is also a plus point for Parrikar, as he managed to increase the state's revenue by nearly 30 per cent of the previous year's revenue, by fine-tuning revenue generation, plugging leakages, etc. For the BJP -- which rose to power by exposing corruption of the Congress regimes -- fighting corruption ironically, was hardly a issue during most of the 16 months, except for the arrest of three legislators. If at all the government made an attempt to curb corruption, it was superficial. For the government failure on this front, the blame also goes to the Opposition and particularly the Congress, for their silence. The BJP could defend their stance by saying that there were no complaints against the ministers or corporation heads. The logic of the Congress for keeping mum was simple: How could they expose them and embrace them at the time of forming an government? The much publicised arrest of Dayanand Narvekar, Somnath Zuwarkar and Mauvin Godinho also helped bolster the image of the government and sent a message tht BJP would fight corruption at all levels. But the move came a cropper. The BJP may claim that several officers were suspended, but corrupt officers were not dealt with, the way the government gunned for the three elected representatives. The workaholic chief minister's perceived unblemished image over-shadowed corruption in the government, but that did not help the BJP to cover up it's inaction against corruption. What also let Mr Parrikar down were his promises, which he couldn't keep. Basically what made the difference for the BJP was Parrikar. No one from the BJP except Digamber Kamat could come up to people's expectations. Mr Kamat is known to be amiable and efficient in his work, which was clear from the progress made by the Electricity Department. No denying though that deputy CM Ravi Naik and Ramakant Khalap were the other pillars of the government. And among the new faces in the cabinet, it was Filipe Neri Rodrigues who made a mark for himself as Tourism Minister. Indeed Parrikar had a tough time performing a balancing act, or else his government would have fallen long ago. Denials notwithstanding, several compromises were made. BJP may have dumped Sports Minister, Sanjay Bandekar, but the fact remains that the chief minister, named the football stadium in Canacona after Satish Bandekar, brother of Sanjay, though he was not at all a prominent sportsperson. This was seen as a ploy to pacify Sanjay who had reportedly threatened to quit. Incidentally, he was among the most vociferous voice in cabinet meetings. If any government has to last for more than one year, the next chief minister may have to take a few tips from Parrikar! 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