---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Shiva Shankar <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Aug 11, 2007 10:51 AM
Subject: Independence?
To: undisclosed-recipients


"... In more than 47 per cent villages, bans operated on wedding
processions on public (arrogated as upper-caste) roads. In 10 to 20 per
cent villages, dalits were not allowed to wear clean or bright clothes or
sunglasses. They could not ride their bicycles, unfurl their umbrellas,
wear chappals on public roads, smoke or even stand without head bowed..."

Source: http://sify.com/news/fullstory.php?id=14507212

Friday, August 10, 2007 8:39:56 PM
Subject: Into 60th year of Independence

      Cry Freedom!

      Harsh Mander

In a dilapidated slum shanty near the banks of the Ganga in Patna is
settled a group of families whose profession is to clean dry toilets with
their bare hands, and to carry human waste on their heads to throw into
the forgiving waters of the mighty river. I found that not a single child
studied in the government school, which, as it happened, was located
literally just across the road from the scavenger colony. It took a while
to coax from the guardians the reason for their steady resolve to keep
their children away from school. It transpired that they had indeed sent
their children to the school initially. It is a custom in many government
schools for the teacher to send children on errands. The upper-caste
children were assigned tasks such as to fetch tea. The children from the
scavenger colony were asked to wash the toilets, or to clean up after a
dog had soiled the school premises. The children could not bear the shame,
and refused to return to the school.

Of the many forms of untouchability that persist in modern India ,
unarguably the most unconscionable is the wide prevalence of
discrimination against dalit children within schools. Children in rural
India, and even parts of the cities, learn early the rules of caste, which
survive unremittingly through their lifetimes, even as their country races
into the 21st century. A survey of practices of untouchability undertaken
in 565 villages in 11 major states of India reveals shockingly that in as
many as 38 per cent government schools, dalit children are made to sit
separately while eating. In 20 per cent schools, dalit children are not
even permitted to drink water from the same source.

As the outcome of a major direction of the Supreme Court of India,
millions of children in most government primary schools in the country are
being provided hot, cooked, mid-day meals everyday. The mid-day meal
programme not only strengthens the nutrition of children in government
schools, many of whom are poor and do not have access to sufficient and
nutritious food in their homes, it also encourages enrolment into schools,
retention and regular attendance.

But an equally important outcome is that since children of all castes and
classes sit together and eat, it teaches them caste equality.
Traditionally, caste and communal barriers are expressed most in the
refusal to eat together; therefore, people of diversity sitting together
gently can shatter a range of iniquitous social practices, and what better
place for this to happen than the school?

However, there are disturbing field studies of caste discrimination within
schools. Caste discrimination in mid-day meals is seen in various ways.
The first is defiance of the Supreme Court orders to appoint cooks from
dalit backgrounds. In states like Tamil Nadu only 14 per cent of the cooks
are dalit.

In many places where, although, dalit cooks have been appointed,
upper-caste parents retaliated by not allowing their children to eat the
meal, threatening to withdraw, putting pressure to replace the cook with
an upper-caste cook and so on.

The other forms of discrimination are where children are not allowed to
sit together and eat. Dalit children are required to sit apart from the
dominant caste children; sometimes apart within the same space, other
times outside of the school building while the dominant caste children sit
inside, or on a lower level than their dominant caste peers. Some studies
have also shown that dalit children are required to bring their own plates
and/or are given less quantity of food, refused a second serving, not
allowed to drink water from the public taps and hand pump at the school
and so on.

The recently released report of perhaps the first nationwide survey of the
continued prevalence of untouchability, jointly authored by social
scientists
Ghanshyam Shah, Sukhadeo Thorat, Satish Deshpande, Amita Baviskar and myself
(Untouchability in Rural India, Sage), finds such untouchability in all
local
state institutions. Almost 27.6 per cent dalits are prevented from entering
police stations and 25.7 from ration shops; 33 per cent public health
workers
refuse to visit dalit homes, and 23.5 per cent dalits still do not get
letters
delivered to their homes. Segregated seating for dalits was found in 30.8per
cent self-help groups and cooperatives, and 29.6 per cent panchayat offices.
In
14.4 per cent villages, dalits were not permitted to enter the panchayat
building. They were denied access to polling booths, or forced to form
separate
lines in 12 per cent of the villages surveyed. Despite being charged with a
constitutional mandate to promote social justice, local institutions of the
Indian State facilitate untouchability.

Dalit settlements are often segregated from the main village, and these
traditions are reproduced even by the government, when building Indira
Awaas housing colonies for dalits or by NGOs, post-2001 earthquake
reconstruction in Gujarat. In nearly half the surveyed villages (48.4 per
cent), dalits were denied access to water sources. In over a third (35.8
per cent), dalits were denied entry into village shops. They had to wait
some distance from the shop, the shopkeepers kept the goods they bought on
the ground, and accepted their money similarly without direct contact. In
teashops, in about one-third of the villages, dalits were denied seating
and had to use separate cups.

In more than 47 per cent villages, bans operated on wedding processions on
public (arrogated as upper-caste) roads. In 10 to 20 per cent villages,
dalits were not allowed to wear clean or bright clothes or sunglasses.
They could not ride their bicycles, unfurl their umbrellas, wear chappals
on public roads, smoke or even stand without head bowed.

We found that restrictions on entry by dalits into Hindu temples were as
high
as an average of 64 per cent in 11 states, ranging from 47 per cent in UP to
94
per cent in Karnataka. Such restrictions endured even after conversion of
dalits to egalitarian faiths. As many as 41 of the 51 villages surveyed in
Punjab reported separate gurudwaras for dalit Sikhs, and even where dalits
worshipped in gurudwaras frequented by upper caste jats, they were served in
separate lines at the langar, and were not permitted to prepare or serve the
sacred food. In Maharashtra, despite mass conversions of Mahars to Buddhism,
dalits were denied temple entry in 51 per cent villages. Reports from Kerala
and Andhra Pradesh chronicled divisions in the church between dalit converts
and others, even discrimination against ordained dalit priests.

Untouchability persists even into death; in half the villages (48.9 per
cent) dalits were debarred from access to cremation grounds. In
Maharashtra, even where dalits have their segregated cremation grounds,
these are permitted only on the eastern side of the village, so that upper
castes are not polluted by the winds that pass from west to east.

The study reports discrimination against dalits even in the labour market.
Although normally dalits are coerced into agricultural labour in
unfavourable conditions, sometimes even of bondage, they are excluded in
the lean agricultural season when work is scarce, and therefore
upper-caste workers are preferred. In 25 per cent of the villages, dalits
were paid lower wages than other workers. They were subjected to longer
working hours, delayed wages, verbal and physical abuse, not just in
'feudal' states like Bihar but notably in Punjab. In 37 per cent of the
villages, dalits were paid wages from a distance, to avoid physical
contact. The study found evidence of discrimination between non-dalit and
dalit workers, evidence of caste surmounting proletarian solidarity.

Although the large majority of dalits are landless, even in the fewer
cases where dalits were landowners, they were denied access to water for
irrigation in more than one-third of the villages. In 21 per cent
villages, they were denied access to grazing lands and fishing ponds, and
violent upper caste opposition was reported when dalits were allotted
government lands for cultivation or even housing.

Untouchability extended even to consumer markets with dalit producers in
35 per cent villages barred from selling their produce in local markets.
They were forced to sell in the anonymity of distant urban markets where
caste identities blur, but this additional burden of costs and time
reduced their competitiveness. Caste taboos apply particularly to products
like milk, so that in 47 per cent of the villages with cooperatives,
dalits were not allowed to sell milk to the co-operatives or even private
buyers. In a quarter of the villages, they were prevented from buying milk
from cooperatives. Dalits are not only disproportionately burdened with
poverty to start with, caste discrimination in labour and consumer markets
condemn them to lower wages with harder work in uncertain employment, and
restrictions on their access to natural resources as well as markets for
their products.

With untouchability persisting unashamedly in State institutions like
schools and police stations, in public spaces like temples and shops, in
farms and markets, and in homes and hearts, the dalit still lives in India
waiting hopelessly, and sometimes in anger, for the long betrayed dawn of
equality.

      The writer is a former civil servant and Convener, Aman Biradari

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