["The key point seems to be ‘intention to further the activities’ of the
Maoists. So the question that must be asked is, has anyone furthered the
activities of the Maoist more than the state with its exploitative economic
policies and its counter-insurgency tactics? What is more useful to the
Maoists, a writ petition filed by activists for the Adivasis, or a security
apparatus that terrorises the population on mere suspicion and suppresses
dissent and civil society?"]

http://expressbuzz.com/opinion/op-ed/in-india-sympathy-could-be-a-thought-crime/172936.html

<http://expressbuzz.com/opinion/op-ed/in-india-sympathy-could-be-a-thought-crime/172936.html>In
India, sympathy could be a thought-crime
Javed Iqbal <http://expressbuzz.com/searchresult/javed-iqbal>

Legendary writer Mahasweta Devi has challenged Union home minister P
Chidambaram to arrest her and put her in jail for 10 years, in response to
the Centre’s newfound enthusiasm for using the Unlawful Activities
(Prevention) Act, 1967, to arrest Maoist ‘sympathisers’. One must sympathise
with the home minister for being humiliated by a gutsy 84-year-old woman.

Yet sympathy is a thought-crime thanks to the UAPA, which says: ‘Any person
who commits the offence of supporting a terrorist organisation with inter
alia intention to further the activities of such terrorist organisations
would be liable to be punished with imprisonment for a term not exceeding 10
years or with fine or with both.’

The key point seems to be ‘intention to further the activities’ of the
Maoists. So the question that must be asked is, has anyone furthered the
activities of the Maoist more than the state with its exploitative economic
policies and its counter-insurgency tactics? What is more useful to the
Maoists, a writ petition filed by activists for the Adivasis, or a security
apparatus that terrorises the population on mere suspicion and suppresses
dissent and civil society?

Maoist sympathisers, or supporters, according to the state, are simply
anyone who stand up for the rights of the Adivasi. Not long ago in the
Supreme Court, an accusation was hurled at an activist for being a Maoist
supporter. The response from the judges was fitting. “Suppose somebody
fights their (victims) case, what does that imply? First you say they are
Naxals, then you say they are sympathisers, then you say they are
sympathisers of sympathisers… Why all these innuendos? Sympathy is fighting
for their cause (victims). Nobody is advocating their cause. They are not
saying their action should be condoned.”

And who is advocating the Maoist cause? Most people know that even if the
Maoists capture state power, we would be dealing with a group that would
shoot the students at JNU if they heard a single squeak of dissent.

Unfortunately, and perhaps unwittingly, Chidambaram and others of his ilk
are proving to be the best recruiting agents for the Maoists. Let’s start
with Salwa Judum, which was given unbridled freedom to burn, rape, loot and
murder in every place known to have a strong Maoist presence. But the
Maoists had the last laugh — recruitment was at an all-time high. Did anyone
work out how Salwa Judum helped to ‘further the activities’ of the Maoists?
Does the Centre know that it even burnt down villages that had no Maoist
links? And killed people who had no grudge against the state?

That the same misguided counterinsurgency rationale is being used again with
Operation Green Hunt indicates that the Centre has learnt nothing from the
terrible experiment that was Salwa Judum. Combat Battalion for Resolute
Action (COBRA) battalions directly under the Union government have been
responsible for a majority of Adivasi deaths since September last year.

Counterinsurgency isn’t really an exact science --- it’s a methodology of
killing, of keeping kill-ratios, of area domination. It’s measured by ‘who
is more effective to terrorise the local population’ — the insurgents or the
state? Both the state and the Maoists are trapped in their own
contradictions. They exist violently — the brutal killing of alleged
informants by the Maoists as a deterrent mirrors the logic of the state
which brutally cracks down on the local Adivasi population that it considers
‘supporters’.

‘Agar woh Maovadi the toh nahi, woh unke supporter toh the.’ (whether they
were Maoists or not, they were definitely supporters)’, a forest official
said about the Singaram massacre of 2009, when 19 tribals were killed.

We know the Union home minister believes the state has a philosophical right
to violence, yet the same is true of the right to fight back that is
propagated to the Adivasis of Dandakaranya. And the Maoist version of the
truth is truth to the Adivasi who has no other option.

It’s almost impossible not to sympathise (emotionally) with everyone in such
terrifying consequences.

‘Naxali hai bimari, hum hai dulaiyi’ (Naxalism is the disease, we are the
remedy). A police inspector told me at Kirandul, in a ‘casual chat’ outside
the police station. We were waiting for the body of a 19-year-old Adivasi
boy shot dead in an encounter, to be released to his parents.

Adivasi women don’t weep, they cry in song, a rhythm of grief, and this
woman ‘sang’ continuously for over two hours outside the police station.
Fifteen feet beyond barbed wire, an autopsy was being conducted on her son,
in the open, shielded from the eyes of the passing world, by blue tarpaulin.
She sang until two SPOs with masked faces yelled at her to get lost. If she
wanted to cry for her son, she shouldn’t do it in front of the police
station.

Meanwhile, the inspector would tell me his own version of ‘1084 ki Ma’.
There was yet another encounter in Bastar and a frail old woman had come to
the police station all the way from Andhra Pradesh to claim the body of her
son.

After putting her son onto the bullock-cart, she stoically turned towards
the inspector and told him that this was her second son who was a Maoist,
killed in an encounter.

The inspector had sympathised.

*ja...@expressbuzz.com*

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Peace Is Doable

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