["Digvijaynath was anti-Partition and anti-Gandhi, to the extent that
he was investigated in the Gandhi assassination case. He was opposed
to the Mahatma’s non-violent politics — and Digvijaynath’s alleged
incitement of a mob that set fire to a police station in Chauri Chaura
(Gorakhpur) in 1922, killing 23 policemen, led Gandhi to call off his
Non-Cooperation Movement."

It's an interesting piece of information that burning of police
chowkie in Chauri Chaura in 1925 was carried out by a mob motivated by
a religious fanatic.
Admittedly, a side issue though.]

http://indianexpress.com/article/explained/yogi-adityanath-uttar-pradesh-chief-minister-bjp-yogis-mutt-hardline-hindutvas-hub-4578072/

Yogi Adityanath’s mutt, hardline Hindutva’s hub
Adityanath is heir to the history and legacy of the Gorakhnath Peeth
that has long believed in militant involvement in politics as a means
to achieving its religious and ideological ends.

Written by Yubaraj Ghimire | Updated: March 21, 2017 8:43 am

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath leaves after a meeting in
Lucknow on Monday. Mahant Avaidyanath, four-time MP from Gorakhpur, in
Parliament. Photo: Vishal Srivastav.

Yogi Adityanath’s rise to power in Lucknow is in several ways the
culmination — and recognition — of consistent efforts put in by at
least two earlier heads of the Gorakhnath Peeth, the highest seat of
the Nath Aghori order, to push the Hindutva agenda in Indian politics.
In fact, the famous pledge in the BJP’s Palampur Resolution (1989) to
build a “magnificent Ram temple in Ayodhya” was a reiteration of what
Mahant Digvijaynath, a leader of the Hindu Mahasabha and the then head
of the Gorakhnath Peeth, had resolved to do a full four decades ago.

In 1949, at the end of a long religious ceremony organised by
Digvijaynath, idols of Ram Lalla and Sita appeared mysteriously inside
the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya. A never-ending legal dispute followed,
and L K Advani’s Ram Rath Yatra in 1990 created an unprecedented
Hindutva wave countrywide, leading ultimately to the demolition of the
16th century mosque by kar sevaks on December 6, 1992.

BJP Will Work For All Sections Of Society Without Any Partiality, Says
Yogi Adityanath

The Jana Sangh, the BJP’s predecessor organisation that was born in
1951 with the aim of promoting ‘Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan’, surrendered
its existence to the Janata Party that was formed to fight Indira
Gandhi’s Emergency in 1977. After rebirth as the Bharatiya Janata
Party in 1980, it allowed itself a bit of ideological confusion —
toying for a while with a variant of Gandhian socialism. In elections
held after the assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984, it sank to an
all time low of 2 seats in Lok Sabha (C Janga Reddy from Hanamkonda
and A K Patel from Mehsana), which prompted a sharp ideological turn
to the far right, and the BJP put Ramjanmabhoomi at the top of its
agenda.

Four years after the Babri Masjid was pulled down, the party formed
its first government at the head of a coalition, which lasted for 13
days. It came back to rule for 13 months in 1998, and then again in
1999, this time for a full term — which saw a fair sprinkling of
saffron robes in the House. In 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi led
the BJP to a majority on its own, which included an astonishing 71 out
of 80 seats in Uttar Pradesh. A near repeat of that performance in
this month’s Assembly elections, and the choice of Yogi Adityanath as
Chief Minister, underscores the importance the BJP places in the
Ayodhya movement as the engine of its rise.

Assets declared by CM Yogi Adityanath
[Chart]

–
The Hindu Mahasabha, whose creation was the culmination of several
efforts made to unite Hindus between 1906 and 1915, is older than both
the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (formed in 1925) and the Jana Sangh.
It advocated militant methods in support of the Hindu cause, and to
restore India’s pre-Partition integrity. Digvijaynath, who became the
Mahant of the Gorakhnath mutt in 1934, called for temporary
disenfranchisement of Muslims, and unlike the heads of many other
Hindu religious institutions, joined politics. He entered Lok Sabha in
1967 with the support of the Hindu Mahasabha and Jana Sangh,
comfortably defeating the Congress candidate at the Gorakhpur seat.
Digvijaynath’s successor Avaidyanath, who became Mahant in 1967,
served as an MLA for 5 terms and as the MP for Gorakhpur for 4 terms,
winning the last two elections — in 1991 and 1996 — as a candidate of
the BJP when the party had adopted the Ramjanmabhoomi issue as its
main electoral plank.

yogi adityanath, yogi gorakhpur, yogi adityanath, adityanath UP CM,
uttar pradesh election, UP elections, RSS, Hindutva, Avaidyanath,
gorakhpur mandir, india news Avaidyanath, who headed the Gorakhpur
mutt from 1967, when he succeeded Digvijaynath, to 1994, was one of
the leading lights of the Ramjanmabhoomi movement.

Photo: R K Dayal (Express Archive)

Yogi Adityanath, who took over the leadership of the mutt on February
15, 1994, has always been with the BJP, and has been pursuing Hindutva
causes more aggressively and with greater anti-Muslim stridency than
his mentor Avaidyanath and Digvijaynath, often warning the party
against surrendering the Ram temple issue. Like the Hindu Mahasabha
and both his predecessors at the Gorakhpur mutt, he has crossed swords
with the BJP many times, always in favour of a more assertive
Hindutva.

Beside his visible clout in northeastern UP, what possibly worked to
propel Yogi to the Chief Ministership was his ability to display
public rage on being denied the post, with likely unpalatable chain
effects inside and outside the state, given the power of the
Gorakhnath Peeth and the reverence with which it is held by large
sections of people. The Chief Minister is a Rajput, but the mutt has a
significant following among all sections of Hindus, including Dalits,
as Gorakhnath is believed to have encouraged rulers to treat their
subjects fairly, with equality and dignity, and punish those who
defied the edicts. Yogi is likely to be tasked with promoting Hindu
militancy and development simultaneously.
–
Yogi Adityanath is believed to follow closely behind his two immediate
gurus on their belief in the need for a stronger India, and an
expansion of its current borders. To that end, those close to the
Chief Minister say, he firmly believes in the Hindu Mahasabha’s June
8, 1947 resolution: “India is one and indivisible and that there will
never be peace unless and until the separated parts are brought back
into the Indian Union and made integral parts thereof.”

On Nepal — where Yogi makes occasional visits and his order has a
large following — he has said repeatedly that “its status as a Hindu
kingdom must be restored”.

Digvijaynath was anti-Partition and anti-Gandhi, to the extent that he
was investigated in the Gandhi assassination case. He was opposed to
the Mahatma’s non-violent politics — and Digvijaynath’s alleged
incitement of a mob that set fire to a police station in Chauri Chaura
(Gorakhpur) in 1922, killing 23 policemen, led Gandhi to call off his
Non-Cooperation Movement.

Yogi Adityanath is heir to the history and legacy of a mutt that has
long believed in militant involvement in politics as a means to
achieving its religious and ideological ends. It remains to be seen
how the leader of the Gorakhnath Peeth discharges his duties as the
Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh.

Gorakhnath & Pashupatinath
yogi adityanath, yogi gorakhpur, yogi adityanath, adityanath UP CM,
uttar pradesh election, UP elections, RSS, Hindutva, Avaidyanath,
gorakhpur mandir, india news The sprawling Gorakhpur mutt, seat of
Yogi Adityanath, has been put under a heavy cover of security since
Yogi became Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. Photo: Praveen Khanna
Guru Gorakhnath, believed to be Shiva’s incarnation in human form, is
the presiding deity of Nepal’s royal dynasty. Legend has it that as a
7-year-old child, Prithvi Narayan Shah, who ruled Nepal in the 18th
century, was blessed by Gorakhnath, who predicted he would conquer
every piece of land he set foot on, and that 10 generations of his
family would rule after him. Prithvi Narayan Shah went on to conquer
many kingdoms and fiefs, and had, by 1768, unified Nepal into the
entity that it is currently.

The abolition of the monarchy in 2008 has not reduced the royal
family’s reverence for the Guru, and its relations with the Gorakhnath
Peeth, the highest seat of the Nath Aghori order, remain intact. “In
fact, Prithvi Narayan Shah was initiated into the Nath Aghora order,
and wrote a bhajan in praise of the lord,” says Debnath Yogi, priest
of the Gorakhnath temple on the premises of Kathmandu’s Pashupatinath
temple.

Every Makar Sankranti, when the Gorakhpur Peeth offers khichri as
prasad to devotees — to mark Gorakhnath’s first appearance, when he
ate khichri prepared with rice, lentils and other things his disciples
got in alms — Nepal’s royal family is the first contributor.

Yogi Adityanath has met former King Gyanendra at least twice over the
last 4 years, asserting that Nepal must once again become a “Hindu
kingdom”, and blaming “Western donors and NGOs” for conspiring to
remove the “cultural and historic symbol of (Nepal’s) identity”. Four
years ago, Adityanath invited Gyanendra Shah to inaugurate the newly
built Gorakhnath temple near Gorakhpur. Two months ago, Gyanendra was
the chief guest at a dharma sabha attended by sadhus and
representatives of various faiths, where Yogi addressed the former
King as “Vishwa Hindu Samrat”.

Until about a decade ago, coins and currency notes carried the words
“Sri Gorakhnath” and an image of Shiva’s trident. “Jai Gorakh” is the
war cry of military units in Nepal, and one of the battalions is named
Gorakh gan. Nepal’s Army celebrates Shivaratri as its Foundation Day
in honour of Gorakhnath.

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