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From:
Nyem <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Mon 9:38
Subject:
[alternatif-net] [fm] 50 Questions That Mahathir and BN will
not answer
To:
[EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED]
From: Nyem <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Fifty Questions That Mahathir and BN will not answer
As Malaysians approach the most critical general elections since
Independence, we cannot do so without pausing to reflect on what we have
learned in the past two tumultuous years. freeMalaysia believes we have
not
learned enough.
We have not learned how we are to build a civil society without the
necessary tools of transparency and open debate. We have not learned how
this government will help us fight corruption, instill a genuine
entrepreneurial spirit, or prepare us for our inevitable collisions with
the vibrant and open global economy.
What we have learned has only brought to light more questions. Questions
that are critical to who we are and what we may become. freeMalaysia
would
pose 50 such questions to Dr. Mahathir and the Barisan Nasional
leadership.
Although we fully expect the officials of Barisan Nasional to remain
mute
to this challenge, they cannot pretend they are deaf, as well.
freeMalaysia
offers to publish - in full - their responses to these questions. There
are
just two conditions: the respondent must be an identifiable official in
a
position to answer authoritatively; and a substantial number of the
questions must be addressed.
The Questions
1. So where's the salty videotape of a supposedly bewigged Anwar Ibrahim
caught flagrante delicto? This tape was shown last year to select
Barisan
Nasional politicos and UMNO officials as proof of Anwar's sexual
deviancy.
If it is genuine why hasn't it been submitted as evidence at either of
the
former Deputy Prime Minister's trials? Could the tape stand up to expert
scrutiny, or was it just a sham?
2. For roughly a year or more, Dr. M was privy to allegations by Anwar's
political enemies that the Deputy Prime Minister was a philandering
bisexual. But it wasn't until his former heir apparent loomed as a
political challenge that the premier chose to believe the allegations,
which, by the way, have yet to be proven. Why did the allegations only
become credible after Anwar and his allies intensified their campaign
against high-level political corruption?
3. Is it possible that almost every foreigner in the world with an keen
interest in Malaysia including most of our ASEAN neighbours is wrong
when pointing out faults in Malaysia's judiciary; its police force; its
lack of free speech and impartial media; its economic, financial and
corporate mismanagement; and its growing corruption? Wrong sometimes,
perhaps; but wrong all the time?
4. It has become the accepted practice in most democratic nations to
permit
criticism and investigations of their judiciary, just as they allow the
same scrutiny of their executive and legislative branches. The belief is
that accountability breeds institutional strength and integrity, as well
as
builds their publics' faith in government. Could it be that Dr. M and
the
Barisan have no confidence in the Malaysian judiciary's ability to
withstand honest and objective scrutiny, as well as occasional
criticism?
If so, how much faith should the average Malaysian have in his courts to
uphold his constitutional, contractual and human rights?
5. Has the Anti-Corruption Agency investigated the plentiful evidence
suggesting improper relationships between a few top lawyers, such as VK
Lingam, and the nation's top judges? If so, what has it found? If not,
why not?
6. Is there any other explanation for the apparent lack of scrutiny of
the
court system other than the need for a cowed and subjugated judiciary
that
Mahathir can control to pursue the prosecution of Anwar and other
enemies?
7. In the midst of the furor about the legal system, it's hard not to
wonder about the appointment in the past few days of the law firm of
Shafee
& Co as the official legal counsel for all Barisan Nasional component
parties. Quite a prestigious, powerful and lucrative position, fM
imagines.
But is it just a coincidence that among the prominent clients of Shafee
&
Co, owned by legal veteran Muhammad Shafee Abdullah, is Dow Jones & Co,
the
publishers of the Far Eastern Economic Review and The Asian Wall Street
Journal? The latter publication is embroiled in a high-profile lawsuit
with
notorious attorney VK Lingam, and the case cuts to the core of the
independence of the judiciary. Indeed, in representing reporter Raphael
Pura of the AWSJ, Shafee has planned to introduce damning evidence of
Lingam's influence peddling and corruption involving the nation's
highest
jurists. Now that Shafee has been named top lawyer for all of BN, can we
still expect to see this evidence and the case pursued vigorously? Or
did
BN just buy themselves some peace of mind?
8. Details about Minister of Domestic Trade and Consumer Affairs Dato'
Megat Junid's gambling exploits in Australia, published earlier by fM
and
other Web sites, were interesting reading. But hasn't the ACA and others
looked into them? After all, he allegedly was placing king-size bets at
Oz
casinos while he was Malaysia's Deputy Minister of Home Affairs. And the
wagers he was allegedly making at the time were well beyond his declared
means, besides being forbidden by his Islamic faith.
9. Why haven't Dr. M, the Attorney General, the ACA, the police and
other
Barisan leaders responded to Anwar's police reports about alleged
corruption and misconduct at the very top of the administration? Their
prolonged silence amounts to an admission of guilt for impartial
observers.
And, why hasn't Daim been questioned about Anwar's accusation that he
took
between RM700 million and RM1 billion out of the country before capital
controls were invoked, in addition to his attempt to swindle RM800
million
worth of shares belonging to UMNO?
10. Cabinet ministers must declare their assets but only to Mahathir.
Is
the cabinet's collective wealth just too hard to explain to the public
they
supposedly serve? Or does Dr. M need the leverage this provides over the
political elite? Or is it both? And whom does the prime minister declare
to? Himself?
11. Why is it that the monograph "50 Reasons Why Anwar Can't Become
Prime
Minister" was allowed to be freely distributed at the 1998 UMNO General
Assembly, despite a court-ordered injunction banning its distribution?
Did
its distributors know that the courts wouldn't pursue their violation
because they were protected by the prime minister? Is it any wonder why
Malaysia's courts are roundly criticized? The judiciary does a fine job
"scandalizing" itself no outside help required.
12. How is it, Dr. M, that so many of your other Cabinet ministers have
been allowed to go uncharged and scot-free, despite conclusive evidence
of
misconduct and corruption? Is it only because they remain obedient,
uncritical and carry out your every command that they remain free?
Indeed,
most members of your Cabinet live beyond their government salaries and
reported means. How can you account for that?
13. Nowhere is the evidence of corruption more glaring than in the party
leaders of UMNO's two main partners in Barisan, the MCA and MIC. Why has
the MCA's Ling Liong Sik never been asked to account for the widespread
allegations that improperly using his political influence he made
his
son a twenty-something billionaire (at least on paper) in the space of
months? Is this the real reason that fugitive asset-trader Soh Chee Wen,
a
key figure in the Ling scandal, conveniently has yet to be found? The
MIC's
Samy Vellu, among his many scams, routinely skims capital gains off
share
allotments that are supposed to benefit the Malaysian Indian community.
But, even when this practice surfaced with the diversion of Telekom IPO
shares, Samy was allowed to skirt any serious probe. Are these practices
the way he pays for multi-million-ringgit weddings for his kids?
14. Isn't it true that the new governor of Bank Negara, Tan Sri Ali Abul
Hassan, who was director general of Dr. M's powerful Economic Planning
Unit
(charged with heading your privatization program) before replacing the
former "uncooperative" central bank governor, Tan Sri Ahmad Mohd Don,
had
been under investigation by the ACA? And isn't it true that the ACA had
unearthed evidence of wrongdoing and payoffs? But why has his case been
closed?
15. Malaysia's law books are loaded with statutes outlawing racial
incitement, rioting, most protests of any sort, sedition and treason, as
well as a host of regulations and licensing requirements that have been
used to curb freedom of expression, however peaceful or constructive. So
why, after the Communist insurgency has long been eliminated, must the
49-year-old Internal Security Act remain the state's key legal
instrument
to deny Malaysians' their presumption of innocence and their right to a
speedy and fair trial? Can Malaysia's police and the Attorney General's
Chambers be so inept and unprofessional that they can't be trusted to
successfully investigate and prosecute cases?
16. Dr. M has anchored his political career, in part, by alluding to
evil
plots by "foreign elements" and foreign governments determined to
undermine
Malaysia. Yet, never has he offered concrete evidence to back up his
xenophobic paranoia. What evidence is there, and can it be presented to
the
nation? Could it be that after all these years, the only evidence he can
provide is his twisted interpretation of history and current affairs and
nothing more?
17. Dr. M repeatedly has warned that the Asian financial crisis was,
largely, a plot by avaricious Western capitalists and speculators to
force
the sale of lucrative national assets to them for a song. Indeed, this
had
been one of Mahathir's chief justifications for installing capital
controls. Nonetheless, since capital controls were introduced in
September
of 1998, foreigners have acquired more than 50% of the nation's
cement-making capacity, have injected themselves into key controlling
and
decision-making capacities in our telecommunications companies and have
secured influential stakes in several Malaysian insurance groups. The
sellers of these financial interests obviously were under financial
stress;
still the sales came with the Mahathir government's stamp of approval
and,
in some cases, its financial assistance. How can these double standards
be
justified? Isn't this yet another hypocritical case of badmouthing
Westerners in the kampungs, while quietly courting their support and
cash?
18. If the Western world is really as odious and socially corruptive as
Dr.
M says it is, why has he always sought investments from the West and its
support to play host to regional and global events? Does this not invite
the very same evil Western elements to infiltrate Malaysian society and
spread their ill will? Or is Mahathir simply lying to his own electorate
and winking to his foreign corporate friends?
19. Not a peep more has been heard from the Mahathir administration
about
alleged corruption at the top of Perwaja Trengganu Steel. What of the
evidence of wrongdoing uncovered by the international accounting firm of
Pricewaterhouse Coopers? Why hasn't longtime Dr. M crony, Eric Chia,
been
investigated and charged for misusing hundreds of millions of ringgit in
Perwaja funds? Or could it be true that Chia was only taking orders from
Dr. M?
20. In a similar vein, isn't the expensive, government-driven MegaSteel
project just another Perwaja replay and misuse of taxpayers' money, only
this time with the direct involvement of a Dr. M son?
21. Could anybody -- particularly Dr. M, since this is his
heavy-industry
darling -- tell us where the national car program stands? Proton's CEO
Tengku Datuk Mahaleel Tengku Ariff declared on July 25th that the
national
car effort is ready to stand on its own two feet and is prepared to
compete
on an equal basis against global car manufacturers "even before the
establishment of the ASEAN Free Trade Area by 2003. " But then why is
Dr.
M's regime seeking to have Malaysia's domestic auto industry excluded
from
complying with the AFTA agreement? What is the future of the free-trade
pact if all members start to shield their bloated, pet projects, as
Malaysia is?
22. When does the Mahathir regime estimate that Proton and Perodua will
be
able to effectively compete domestically without special protective tax
duties against imports, which force Malaysian car buyers to subsidize
the
national car makers' loss-making sales abroad?
23. freeMalaysia is well aware of the government's and the
private-sector's
studies to evaluate the economic feasibility of Dr. M's mega-industrial
projects, such as the national car and Perwaja steel ventures. But why
have
none of these been made public and debated in Parliament? Is it because
none of them could justify any long-term viability and economic benefit
for
the country? In the new spirit of transparency, is the government
prepared
to make these public now?
24. Moreover, and on a more current note, Dr. M himself has admitted
that
his administration hadn't given thorough thought to the amalgamation of
Malaysia's 58 financial institutions. What, therefore, drove him to push
for the mergers at such a hasty speed? What was the rationale for the
anchor banks that were announced? And, finally, what were the reasons
that
persuaded him to back down from the pronounced aim?
25. Once again Daim Zainuddin is donning the black hat, this time
because
of Dr. M's backtracking on the bank mergers. Everyone has heard the
rumors
of a rift between the two. But isn't this just another case of Mahathir
giving free rein to Daim's corporate skullduggery in the interests of
both?
Can Daim and Dr. M publicly commit to banks' real freedom to decide
their
own merger partners without official interference even if the
Barisan
captures a resounding general election victory?
26. Is Daim's Highway CLOBbery any different? With the vertically
challenged finance minister playing bad cop to Dr. M's less convincing
good
or at least aloof cop. If Daim gets away with it, fine. We'll hear
not
a peep from Dr. M. If the issue become a political sore point, this too
will fall by the wayside until after the election or some other more
opportune time for Dam and Dr. M to wrest the CLOB shares from their
owners
at a steep discount.
27. This further raises the question about whether Dr. M fully realized
the
ramifications of instituting his capital control program. The evidence
is
fairly clear now that the program made little, or no, difference to
Malaysia's nascent recovery, for the capital outflows throughout the
region
were already reversing when it was instituted. So did he push it through
only to insulate the markets from the reaction to his persecution of
Anwar?
Or did he already realize that the planned multi-billion-ringgit
bailouts
of cronies could only succeed in an artificially protected financial
arena?
28. If not, then why has Dr. M been so willing to rapidly dismantle what
he
describes as his successful capital-control regulations? Is it the
realization that the regulations have frightened away investors and are
impeding Malaysia's economic recovery?
29. And if it was short-term speculators who were are the root of
Malaysia's financial implosion in 1997-98 and the subsequent economic
crisis, as Dr. M persistently avers, then why did he recently lower the
exit tax on repatriated profits on short-term investments? How does this
fit with Dr. M's stated aim to encourage only long-term, productive
investors who now must pay the same exit tax as their short-term
brethren?
30. Why has Malaysia's mainstream media shied away from addressing any
of
these currently pressing queries? Why are Mahathir and other figures in
the
leadership allowed to contradict themselves, outline inconsistent
policies
and flat-out lie without being held accountable in the media? (Probably
for
the same reasons that the media has seldom performed its institutional
role
as a safeguard for Malaysian democracy and enlightened discussion. Could
it
have been otherwise with the media under the control of the government,
the
ruling parties and the cronies of Dr. M?)
31. And is this the reason why the mainstream media has neglected to
publish photographs of Dr. M's new palace at Putrajaya? Is it so
palatial
and extravagant that the media fear an electoral backlash against its
political protectors and financial controllers? Or is it because Dr. M
has
ordered a news blackout? Both, fM suspects.
32. Could someone kindly provide an accurate estimate of the cost to
build
Mahathir's new palace in Putrajaya? The RM17 million figure released in
Parliament obviously is a gross underestimation. The RM200 million
figure
cited by Anwar from jail appears closer to the mark. But after seeing
photographs of his Versailles baru, even RM200 million may be too low,
especially after considering the structure's fits, finishing and finery.
So
what is it, Mahathir? How much are we really paying for your palace?
33. Further afield, why has Renong chieftain Tan Sri Halim Saad acquired
a
hacienda in Uruguay in the last year or so? To fM, this smacks of a
Nazi-like escape route, should things go bad for him and his benefactors
in
Malaysia. Could Uruguay's lax extradition treaties have any bearing on
Halim's choice in residential property? Perhaps it's just the climate he
likes.
34. Is Dr. M aware that two-time Finance Minister Daim Zainuddin met
privately with Mahathir's archenemy, renowned hedge-fund operator George
Soros, in London several years ago? Given the events that have
transpired
since that meeting, such as the Asian financial crisis, shouldn't
Malaysia's Finance Minister disclose what he and Soros discussed?
35. Since Malaysian-based foreign banks came to the Mahathir
government's
assistance earlier this year in engineering a multi-billion-ringgit loan
--
billed publicly as foreign-currency credit, but in reality from domestic
deposits indexed to forex rates -- the most helpful of the bunch have
initiated a spree of branch reshuffling and new-branch construction.
Malaysia's banking community interprets this as confirmation of a
quid-pro-quo agreement between the foreign institutions and the
government.
What other concessions were made to the foreign banks in order to secure
the loan?
36. Isn't it obvious why Dr. M feels politically compelled to hold the
general election in 1999? As it is, his UMNO-led, 14-party ruling
coalition
probably won't secure its customary two-thirds majority in a free and
fair
poll. But with the New Year's addition of 700,000 newly registered
voters
to the electoral rolls, the Barisan Nasional might be hard pressed to
secure a solid majority. Moreover, UMNO itself might find its number of
parliamentary seats sharply reduced. Many of these new voters are young
and
will have to shoulder most of the burden of Mahathir and Daim's economic
mismanagement. They have the most to lose from the surge in official
debt
and from reckless bullet-repayment bailouts. They will pay for
Malaysia's
mortgaged economic future because aging cronies want to spend now. Given
all this, isn't it paramount to give them a voice in the coming
election?
37. For years, Dr. M, you have maintained that being a physician was the
best qualification for being a successful politician. In your own words:
"That training later became very useful to me in politics where you
constantly need to gauge people's reactions and must be able to tell
whether or not you are hearing the truth. . . . Doctors go through the
process of observing a patient, recording his or her medical history,
then
you make a physical examination, do lab tests, and finally arrive at a
diagnosis. The process is basically the same in politics. " Is this,
Prime
Minister, the same process you exercised when immediately dismissing
Anwar's well-grounded fear that he systematically was being poisoned?
Given
the still-unanswered questions about the rapid deterioration in Anwar's
health, why have you blocked a fuller, independent investigation into
his
physical condition?
38. While fM is on the subject, was it your medical training and keen
observation of patients over the years that led you to the diagnosis
that
Anwar actually beat himself about the head before he was hauled into
court
for his corruption trial? How many patients had you treated as a
physician
that actually gave themselves black eyes and numerous other bruises
before
coming to your office?
39. More generally, Dr. M, you took a Hippocratic oath to uphold the
medical ethics of you profession, including the obligation to "First, do
no
harm. " Yet, as Malaysia's Home Affairs Minister for the better part of
your 18 years as Prime Minister, you subjected many of your fellow
citizens
to cruel and life-threatening torture while they were incarcerated under
the Internal Security Act. Was it just your oath that you abandoned, or
was
it ethics entirely that you dropped after entering politics?
40. Furthermore, Dr. M, you profess to have been a fine country doctor
and
claim to still adhere to the calm and rational logic of a dedicated
physician. Yet, when Malaysia was struck in late 1998 with a rare form
of
viral encephalitis, now known as the Nipah virus, your administration
bungled its early diagnosis, leading to the needless death of more than
100
Malaysians, the slaughter of more than one million pigs and the
effective
decimation of the country's US$1 billion hog industry. Why has there
never
been a public accounting for the mistakes made, for the delay in calling
on
the U. S. Centers for Disease Control and Protection for help, or for
the
cover-up that followed? Without an analysis of the mistakes and a
commitment to change the system, can you as a medical practitioner
expect the nation to be ready for the next health crisis?
41. For years, Dr. M's diehard supporters have defended the Prime
Minister
against the criminal excesses committed by Malaysia's police force, even
while he was its ostensible boss as Minister of Home Affairs. Never,
however, has Mahathir shown any inclination to rein in the many rogues
who
sully the force's reputation. Why is that? Does the Special Branch have
an
incriminating dossier on Dr. M, just as Mahathir compiles dossiers on
his
those in his inner circle to keep them all in line? Or are the police
force's rogues as important to Mahathir's control of power as the
judicial
rogues?
42. Dr. M, don't you find it in the least bit ironic that it was you,
along
with a coterie of other supporters of former Prime Minister Tun Abdul
Razak, that orchestrated in the late 1960s and early '70s the
"overthrow"
of Malaysia's Bapak Merdeka, Tunku Abdul Rahman? The Tunku, however,
only
dismissed you from UMNO. And though there were widespread rumors of your
imminent arrest, it never came. Why is it that when you are faced with a
similar political in-fight, you see fit to have your principal rival
sacked, beaten, convicted, probably convicted again, possibly poisoned
and
perhaps eventually killed? Are you that evil and remorseless? And can
the
financial stakes be that high for you and your cronies to resort to such
extreme measures to avoid being exposed and held accountable?
43. Marina Yusoff, a longtime UMNO member wise in the wily political
ways
of Malaysia's dominant party, recently called upon Dr. M to disclose his
party's role in fomenting the violence of the May 13th riots. Mahathir's
party proxies balked, saying it would only serve to dredge up bitter and
racially divisive memories. Or was it because an objective assessment
would
have highlighted Dr. M's behind-the-scenes role before and after the
riots,
as well as draw attention to the racial politics he will manipulate
leading
up to the next election?
44. In the '60s and '70s, it would have been enough to have Anwar
declared
a Communist, force him to deliver a coerced and televised confession,
and
then keep him in a restricted residence out of public view for a few
years.
But is the current show trial for sexual promiscuity and deviancy any
more
credible than the trumped up charges against Communist fellow travelers
of
Dr. M's generation? Is this case against Anwar truly the best that
Malaysia's prosecutorial minds could do? And why is it that hard
evidence
is so elusive? DNA tests put to rest the only objectively provable
allegation -- that a philandering Anwar had fathered an illegitimate
child.
45. The mid-year ploy of releasing a list of so-called Anwar cronies
never
picked up the momentum that the Mahathir administration intended.
Indeed,
the exaggerated list was so shot full of gaping omissions and odd
mentions
that the roster soon was dismissed as a ruse to temporarily sidetrack
mounting criticism against the Prime Minister's own crony coterie.
Indeed,
even this selected list revealed more about how pervasive Dr. M's
cronies
are than it did about Anwar or anyone else. Using the same criteria
Mahathir attempted to apply to Anwar's crony list, isn't it apparent
that
Mahathir and Daim's boys already control the lion's share of Malaysia's
corporate assets, with possibly much more to come if the bank mergers
are
pushed through after the election?
46. Daim's avariciousness never ceases to amaze freeMalaysia. Equally
amazing is D. M's willingness to turn a blind eye Daim's way whenever he
is
caught out in yet another sordid corporate deal or conflict of interest.
Among the many deals was one in the 1980s that captured much attention:
the
acquisition of a controlling interest in United Malayan Banking Corp.
(now
part of Sime-RHB) while he was Dr. M's Finance Minister for the first
time.
Some 15 years later, Daim goes and does it again; he acquires a
controlling
stake in Hock Hua Bank (Sabah) Bhd. while acting as an official economic
adviser to the Mahathir regime and then continues to hold the interest
after being appointed Finance Minister for the second time. What is it
that
Daim holds over Mahathir that allows him and his protιgιs to repeatedly
get
away with shenanigans that thoroughly embarrass Dr. M at home and
abroad?
47. None dare deliver bad news and criticism in the court of Mahathir
Mohamad. He's surrounded by sycophants who feed his delusion that the
overwhelming majority of Malaysians still regard him as their heroic
leader
and that his political power is undiminished. But does he know that
informal polls among Malaysia's civil service indicate deep enmity
toward
him and a willingness to block his self-serving directives? And is he
aware
how futile are the heavy-handed efforts to stem the disaffection,
including
the stern letters demanding that public servants not participate in any
Reformasi activities?
48. In the early years of commercial flight, nations insisted on owning
their national carriers, such was the prestige and such, they thought,
was
their countries' reputation on the line. Well, it didn't quite work out
that way, taking many of these nations years to realize that competitive
international flight service didn't suit hidebound civil servants
without a
nose for commerce. Malaysia sought out a middle ground by privatizing
its
Malaysian Airline System Bhd. but still keeping it under government
control. This formula proved no more effective. But it would have helped
if
the Mahathir regime had selected a knowledgeable airline executive to
head
MAS. Instead, Dr. M selected a flunky former merchant banker and Daim
crony, Tan Sri Tajudin Ramli, to safeguard Malaysia's national carrier.
What was Dr. M smoking? No wonder he prefers to fly private aircraft
these
days. But what about the rest of us?
49. Datuk Ibrahim Ali, chairman of UMNO's anti-defamation committee,
probably has the least credibility of all the party's senior officials.
The
one-time Mahathir critic now plays the role of Dr. M's former pet
buffoon,
ex-Information Minister and race-relations dropout Datuk Mohamed Rahmat.
Could this be Mahathir's way of testing Ibrahim's fickle allegiance? Or
is
it that Mahathir can't find anybody else willing to mouth the most
outlandish lies on his behalf?
50. Dr. M, you have said repeatedly that you would leave office after
receiving a "signal" that the Malaysian public has tired of your rule.
However, you never defined what you meant by "signal. " Will it take
something as catastrophic as what has happened in Indonesia to make you
face the fact that you have overstayed? And for that, we all have
overpaid
and will continue to do so for years to come.
28 October 1999
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