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Undilah PAS : MENENTANG KEZALIMAN & MENEGAKKAN KEADILAN
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Fear Not, Keep Your Wits, Listen to Your Hearts
There has been political ferment in Malaysia over the past eleven months, a
ferment that is more widespread than
the previous one some 10 years ago. This ferment was sparked by Anwar?s sacking
in September 1998 and
anxieties related to the economic meltdown which began in mid-1997. There is
great expectancy about the future
especially so since general elections must soon be called. Yet, there appears to
be fear of political change among
certain sections of the public. In this five-part article, DR FRANCIS LOH
reminds us of the regional march
towards democracy and analyses the hegemony of a certain set of political
beliefs which is simultaneously the
Barisan Nasional?s source of legitimacy and the cause of this fear. By
discussing the secret of Malaysia?s success,
he hopes to allay those fears. Confronted with this sort of mind games, we
should instead listen to the urgings of
our hearts, he suggests.
Peaceful protests and demonstrations have been held in various public spaces.
The circulation of critical publications has
soared. Websites critical of the BN government have been mushroomed and the
Internet is infused with much alternative
information. Alas, the Barisan Nasional government has chosen to highlight the
odd occurrences of disorder and characterised
these spontaneous expressions of popular dissent as ?rioting?. Although numerous
important issues - abuse of power, money
politics, curtailment of freedom, loss of judicial integrity, unjust treatment
of Anwar Ibrahim, selective prosecution of Lim Guan
Eng , etc - have been raised in these publications, the Internet and public
gatherings, the BN government has chosen to focus
on the alleged slander and fitnah. Such rioting and slander they proclaim are
not the Malaysian way.
The BN government has also tried to portray the Reformasi movement spreading in
Indonesia, as inclined to violence. They
have also made numerous references to the violence occurring in Bosnia, Kosovo,
Sri Lanka, and even Rwanda, as was done
during their campaigns in the run-up to the Sabah elections in March 1999. It
appears that the BN?s intention is to highlight the
dangers of political change in multiethnic societies and to create fear among
Malaysians as we approach the elections. In fact,
the dangers arose in Indonesia and elsewhere because of a lack of change, not
because of it.
The BN government also challenged the protestors to form a political party and
to contest the elections. Parti KeADILan was
therefore formed. Critical Malaysians have also joined the existing opposition
parties. Preparations for contesting the elections
are now underway. A multi-ethnic opposition front is being consolidated. They
have held joint ceramahs up and down the
country, issued joint statements, are meeting regularly at various levels to
reach agreements in connection with the forthcoming
elections. A common Manifesto, soon to be released, has been decided upon. They
have also agreed to the principle of satu
lawan satu, that is they will not contest against one another, thus allowing
straight fights with the BN. The emergence of a
multi-ethnic opposition front, just like the BN, but which distinguishes itself
through a different set of policies and values, augurs
well for the country. It reduces ethnic politicking, offers a real choice to
voters, and promotes democracy.
The Dirtiest Elections Ever?
Faced with this challenge from the opposition coalition, the Barisan Nasional
leaders have increasingly focused their attention
on frustrating further consolidation of the opposition parties. They denounce
the opposition coalition as a ?marriage of
convenience? claiming that their ideologies are too diverse and incompatible.
?They will not succeed?. ?Before coming to power
they are already fighting with one another?. ?The opposition is all talk, no
action?. Claiming that the opposition has resorted to
slandering and that opposition leaders were only recently rioting in the
streets, Dr Mahathir says that these will be the dirtiest
elections ever. Apparently, one of the prime minister?s minions is even in
possession of a cassette tape which contains calls for
the assassination of the premier, besides other Barisan Nasional leaders.
Dr Mahathir should know whether this will be the ?dirtiest elections ever?. One
of his lieutenants, the former secretary-general
of UMNO was blatantly racist when he claimed that KeADILan leader Dr Wan Azizah,
not being a Malay, could not be the
leader of Malays. The lieutenant further lied about her being brought up in a
neighbouring country when in fact she grew up in
Kedah. Echoing Dr Mahathir?s accusations in the UMNO General Assembly in June,
one BN leader after another have since
also alleged that the opposition leaders are ?agents of foreign powers? and that
a vote for them will result in the recolonisation
of Malaysia. UMNO?s team of legal experts, recently formed to threaten court
action against those who have allegedly
slandered UMNO and its leaders, should perhaps look into the above mentioned
lies and slanders instead, rather than clutter
the courts with their mega suits against critics, based on hearsay.
Likewise, the Malaysian media should try to redeem themselves and begin serious
investigation of these allegations and
counter-allegations. Thus far, and true to form, criticisms by the opposition
are rarely reported, and, even rarer, investigated.
The criticisms of the opposition by the BN leaders are also not investigated but
given the widest coverage and airing
nonetheless. In fact, comments critical of the opposition leadership made by the
most obscure erstwhile opposition members,
are even prominently highlighted, often with follow-up reports. The dirtiest
elections ever? Is Dr Mahathir foreshadowing how
the Barisan Nasional will conduct itself in the elections?
March Towards Democracy
Dr Mahathir did make an important point during the UMNO General Assembly in June
about the political ferment that is
occurring. It is much larger than the question of Anwar, he declared. When he
said this, Dr Mahathir was of course trying to
suggest that the larger issue pertained to the nation?s future independence and
sovereignty, how some foreign powers are trying
to recolonise us, and how the opposition is working with foreigners to topple
the duly elected BN government.
Dr M is right that the issue is much much larger than Anwar?s fate. But there is
no concrete evidence - and he has yet to
provide any - that there is a conspiracy involving foreign powers and the
opposition to overthrow the BN government. It?s all
hearsay. Like a certain famous judge might say, his claims are ?irrelevant?.
Instead, the big issue is ?democratisation?. By this it is meant not merely the
holding of regular elections, but the rule of law
wherein the people are guaranteed their rights to express their opinions freely,
and to organise and assemble peacefully; and if
arrested, a fair trial. It further refers to putting into place and having
checks and balances by different autonomous government
institutions, regular consultation with the people in between elections,
transparency in decision making and accountability to the
people. This includes the emergence of free and responsible media.
Yes, the time for participatory democracy has arrived in Malaysia, just as it
already has in neighbouring Indonesia, Thailand,
the Philippines, Korea, Taiwan, Fiji and other nations in the South Pacific. In
India and Japan, where a greater measure of
democracy has already been practised, the process of democracy has been deepened
with the replacement of the Congress
Party and the Liberal Democratic Party, respectively, by coalitions of erstwhile
opposition parties. It is significant that when the
ousted parties are eventually returned to power in some of these places, these
chastised parties are invariably more sensitive to
the peoples? demands and to the practices of democracy.
It is time to take our rightful and honourable place alongside these neighbours.
Our pride of place in the world should not be
based on some concrete construction, megaliths though they may be, like the
Petronas Twin Towers, the KLIA or Putrajaya.
We should be proud that like the rest of Asia we believe fervently in democracy.
Indeed, the so-called ?Asian Values
democracy?, which for decades was conveniently used to legitimise Asian regimes
that were blatantly authoritarian, is no longer
practised in most parts of Asia. Is this why the BN government has been trying
to direct our attention away from our own
shortcomings and from the changes occurring in the neighbouring Asian countries
to incidences of violence and the dangers of
change in far-away Africa and in the former Yugoslavia?
Why Democratisation?
Basically, democratisation has been brought about by economic growth and
modernisation including urbanisation,
industrialisation, and developments in education, transport, communication etc.
Globalisation has speeded up this process.
As a result of this economic growth and modernisation, the rakyat have become
more aware of their place in society, in the
economy, in the world and in politics too. This is especially true of the
better-educated middle-classes. These socio-economic
developments also require adjustments in the political system. As long as the
government continues to centralise power instead
of sharing it, to make its decisions behind closed doors and away from public
scrutiny, to benefit themselves and their cronies
instead of the general public, the rakyat will demand greater democratisation.
>From this point of view, even if the Anwar saga had not occurred,
democratisation was already on the agenda, though perhaps
it would have been slower in coming. From this vantage point, the recent
political ferment in Malaysia is part and parcel of a
wider trend throughout the region towards democratisation.Yet, it does appear
that Malaysia, although more advanced
economically, lags behind some of our neighbours in the democratisation process.
Why might this be so? This brings us to the
question of the Malaysians themselves. What DO they think? There are two things
to consider: first, awareness of the issues
and second, their political culture/worldview/ideology.
Awareness of the Issues
Malaysians, especially the middle and business classes, are becoming more aware
of the issues confronting the country. True,
the local mainstream media are biased. But there is now access to critical
publications like Harakah, Eksklusif, and other new
local periodicals, alternative sources of information on websites, and regional
and foreign news via satellite which is generally
more even-handed in its reporting of developments in the country.Holding
ceramahs and forums also helps to get the message
out to the people. Although there is a need to prepare more pamphlets that
discuss the issues in simple language and in the
vernacular to make them easily accessible to the lower classes, it is not for
lack of awareness that Malaysia lags behind in
democratisation. Instead, the lag is on account of the Malaysian people?s
political culture - for even if more information was
made available, the existing political culture would remain intact and the lag
would persist.
The BN?s Hegemony
No doubt the BN government has sometimes resorted to repression in order to get
its way. It also possesses a wide array of
coercive laws. Yet the BN government does not rule by simply resorting to force
or instilling fear. Such a government would
not have lasted as long as the BN has. Instead, the BN government, like its
counterparts elsewhere, tries to instil into the minds
of the people a certain set of beliefs or myths about the political system that
they live in, about the kinds of leaders needed, and
in so doing, facilitates the legitimacy of those in power.
This is sometimes referred to as the ideology or propaganda of the rulers. But
the concept of ?hegemony? is more useful a
term. It refers to a set of political beliefs, or myths, which penetrates beyond
the minds into the hearts, to the extent that the
ideology of the rulers becomes the views, the beliefs, the culture of the people
themselves. For religious people, the concept of
hegemony is not difficult to understand. We are talking of a phenomenon very
close to the notion of faith. Put another way, the
rulers begin to rule with the consent of the people. Now, this makes for lasting
domination of the rulers over the ruled without
having to resort to the use of force regularly.
Five Central Tenets
There are several central tenets in this belief system about Malaysian politics.
First, because we are a multi-ethnic,
multi-religious society, and quite naturally rub against another occasionally,
we have been made to believe (erroneously) that
we cannot co-operate with one another spontaneously. Accordingly, prejudices,
discrimination and even demonisation of the
other have become widespread. Mutual trust of one another is not fostered.
Often, if the other party is noticeably religious,
these negative feelings become even stronger.
Second, left to ourselves, we supposedly begin to fight with one another. By
definition, there_fore, the multi-ethnic
multi-religious Malaysian society is conflict-prone. Accordingly, too much
freedom and too much politics can be bad. Curbs
on certain freedoms and on politics are considered necessary. For many of us,
the ISA, OSA, UUCA, Printing Presses and
Publications Act, Societies Act, the Police Act, etc are therefore considered
necessary and justified. Indeed, a strong state is
justified.
Third, we need a set of leaders who can represent our ethno-religious interests
and yet be acceptable to the others, to
negotiate with each other on our behalf. The Barisan, a coalition of
ethnic-based political parties is therefore the appropriate
vehicle. Since they have been in power since 1957, the leaders of the Barisan
Nasional appear to be the natural set of leaders
required. They are often considered ?moderates?. In this regard the opposition
leaders, often unable to come together, are also
viewed as ?extremists?. This image of the opposition as extremist, and the BN as
moderate, persists even when, as now, the
opposition parties can readily form an opposition front. Even when the Barisan
Nasional leaders have violated the people?s
interests and the principles of democracy, many continue to view them as
moderates.
Fourth, the 42-years of BN rule has contributed to the belief that it is only
when the BN is in power that political stability will
prevail and economic growth be guaranteed. The political turbulence and the
economic slowdown which occurred in Sabah
over the past decade was often mistakenly attributed to PBS rule. In fact, the
turbulence was a result of political intrigue and
money politics perpetrated by the Barisan. And the economic slowdown in Sabah
was a direct result of the denial of federal
development funds by the Barisan Nasional in Kuala Lumpur to the legally and
democratically elected PBS state government in
Kota Kinabalu.
Similarly, the PAS-led Kelantan state government was also denied federal
developments as punishment by the Barisan
Nasional government.
Identifying the real sources of political instability and economic slowdown in
these two cases is extremely important because it
exposes the myth that only the BN can promote political stability and economic
growth. In fact, the Barisan Nasional, reluctant
to share power and public resources with the duly elected PBS and PAS state
governments, was the cause of political
instability and the economic slowdown in both states. Ignorance and
disinformation, as in these cases, perpetuate the belief that
political and economic chaos would result if the opposition comes to power.
This set of beliefs penetrated deep into the minds and hearts of many Malaysians
especially during the 1990s when Malaysia
experienced rapid economic growth. This growth enabled the construction of those
icons of growth ? the Twin Towers,
KLIA, Putrajaya, the MSC and the Light Rail Transit System. No doubt, a majority
of Malaysians materially benefited from
that growth too. A sense of ?feel good? prevailed. And since Dr Mahathir
presided over all these achievements, a fifth belief
that it was not simply the Barisan Nasional which facilitated Malaysia?s
success, but Dr Mahathir himself, began to gain
credence. In short there developed a belief that Dr Mahathir was indispensable,
that under him Malaysia Boleh, and Malaysia
became the envy of all.
Denying our own Humanity
This set of beliefs is absolutely demeaning to the human spirit.
By prejudicing the other and conceding that we cannot co-operate with fellow
Malaysians of other ethnic and religious
backgrounds, we in fact deny them as well as ourselves our common humanity.
By acceding to the curbs on our fundamental freedom and justifying the existence
of a strong state, we hinder and frustrate our
attempts to develop ourselves and our society holistically.
The extension of the set of prejudices to the opposition parties and leaders,
brushing them off and labelling them as extremists,
and denying them the opportunity of introducing good government is not only
unfair but a further ridicule of our own humanity.
For are not the leaders and supporters of the opposition also members of our
Malaysian society and the larger human family?
And why such high regard for the Barisan Nasional leaders still when they have
already violated the people?s interests and the
principles of democracy?
Furthermore, when we prioritise material progress and use indexes like the KLSE
Composite Index as a measure of our well
being, we undermine our spirituality, which should be the basis of our holistic
development. Crass acquisitive materialism
encourages us to grab rather than to share; to have rather than to ponder about
being; to seek instantaneous gratification rather
than to engage with Mystery. We need certain universal values, including
perennial political principles like freedom, truth and
justice, to guide us in the journey of our lives as individuals and as a
society. None of our sages ever encouraged us to
prioritise material progress over these principles.
Finally, attributing our nation?s success to the achievements and
indispensability of a single person is even more gross and
ridicules our humanity. It is tantamount to cultism at best, idolatry at worst.
For all human beings are dispensable, even fallible.
Cultism of a leader is not new. Many regimes have likewise tried to present
their powerful leaders as indispensable. For
example, until Suharto?s overthrow, many Indonesians found it virtually
impossible to imagine an Indonesia minus Suharto, who
had been in power since 1967. It implied chaos ? political, economic, social.
And yet, Suharto has been removed. Although
political turbulence ensued, his removal also unleashed new actors, new ideas
and new hopes for the first time in 30 years.
There is an amazing range of debates in the Indonesian press and the electronic
media, in its universities and organisations, its
political parties and movements. He was not indispensable. In fact, he was the
stumbling block.
The BN Hegemony Broken
The disinformation contained in the BN?s set of political myths is so apparent
that it immediately becomes evident if we only
care to reflect in isolation on the propaganda of political leaders and the
media they control.
Fortunately, there has been opportunity to reflect during this period on the
dual economic and political crises confronting
Malaysia. Hence, the hegemony of the set of beliefs has been broken, at least
among certain sectors of the population. This is
especially true among a large group of Malays: Anwar?s supporters, younger
Malays in ABIM and JIM, and those who take
their humanity seriously. Of the latter, many are inspired by Islamic teachings.
They are able to see through the lies of the
hegemonic claims.
Many Malays are making efforts to co-operate with non-Malays and non-Muslims.
They want the removal of the coercive
laws and an end to a the strong state. Apparently, it is easier for these groups
of Malays (and Malays generally) to transit from
the Barisan Nasional to the opposition coalition. As Muslims, they are less
fearful of the so-called ?dangers? of a negara Islam
associated with Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), which some believe (erroneously)
dominates the opposition coalition. Perhaps
possessing less economic interests at stake, or perhaps because NEP-related
Malay privileges remain by and large intact,
economic considerations appear less pertinent to them.
Finally, Dr Mahathir is no longer the icon he previously was for them. In fact,
by relentlessly pursuing Anwar?s destruction, the
prime minister has broken the hukum syarak (the traditional social contract
between the ruler and the ruled) that many Malays
continue to hold dear, viz. a leader should not humiliate a man and his family
the way Anwar and his family have been.
Among a smaller group of non-Malays and non-Muslims, and others not so young but
seriously in search of their humanity,
that hegemony has also been broken. For the majority though, the hegemony has
only been fragmented, not quite broken.
Like the Malays, most non-Malays also seek more freedom and welcome the rule of
law. Except for the sycophants and
cronies, it is not evident that they particularly regard Dr M as indispensable.
But many are fearful of political change. For some
30 years, beginning with the introduction of the NEP, non-Malays have learnt to
adjust to a Malay-dominated government that
many believe does not care for them. Many have prospered, which they believed
was due to their self-help efforts, perhaps
also due to the boom conditions which the Barisan Nasional government fostered
especially during the 1990s.
They are not enamoured with the Barisan Nasional government and have even voted
for the opposition in the past. They
understand the issues of the day. Yet they remain ambivalent ? afraid that the
country?s economic recovery and their individual
economic interests will be jeopardised. This concern encourages them to, either
avoid politics, or support the status quo unless
they can be persuaded otherwise. Partly due to their ignorance and prejudices,
many non-Malays are further fearful of the
intentions of PAS and fall easy prey to the latter?s propaganda, which the
mainstream media dubs as ?extremist?.
The Secret of Malaysia?s Success
Malaysians must not fear of political change. It must be stressed that this
change is merely a removal of the ruling BN elite to
be replaced by a new set of opposition leaders. Though there might be some
policy changes like the repeal of the obnoxious
ISA and amendments to other coercive laws, perhaps also putting a stop to
certain privatisation projects which have essentially
benefited certain cronies, the political and economic system that is in place
will largely remain intact. In fact the reforms will
most likely improve the system.
We need to counter this set of BN political beliefs by discussing an alternative
explanation of why Malaysia has been so
succe
ssful for so long. For it is in spite of money politics and nepotism, the
resort to communalism and the manipulation of
ethno-religious sentiments by political leaders, indeed, in spite of Barisan
Nasional rule or Dr Mahathir?s leadership, that
economic development has occurred, political stability been maintained, and
inter-ethnic harmony sustained. We must
therefore understand the secret of Malaysia?s success lest we short-change
ourselves.
Decent and Tolerant
Ironically, although the hegemony of this set of beliefs prevails, Malaysians
have been ever ready to co-operate and help one
another, to tolerate and dialogue with one another, especially in their everyday
encounters with others ? at work, at play, in
schools or in each other?s homes. Why, we even co-celebrate each other?s
religious festivals. Indeed, we have compassion for
others and abhor conflict and violence.
Such decency and fair-mindedness which is perennial and part of the human
spirit, endures, regardless of who our leaders are,
no matter which party is in power. It is the secret behind Malaysia?s
long-standing inter-ethnic and inter-religious harmony.
Hardworking and Responsible Work Force
Likewise, the fundamental reason for Malaysia?s economic success is our most
precious resource: the Malaysian people. The
majority of the Malaysian work force is responsible, disciplined, hardworking
and productive, a secret which the foreign
investors are aware of. This is no doubt true of the workers in the
manufacturing sector (be it the electronic and electrical or
the footwear or apparel industries), in financial and service sectors, as well
as the agricultural. It is even more true when they
are paid adequately, treated fairly and allowed to maintain their dignity.
We also have a large number of professionals - lawyers, doctors, engineers,
architects, surveyors, computer scientists and
educators ? who are responsible, knowledgeable and fair-minded. Most business
people, bankers, industrialists and
developers are also honest, hardworking, capable and sometimes innovative. We
even have artists, dancers, actors,
playwrights, film-makers, musicians and entertainers who are creative and at
times provocative. And of course we have lots of
good cooks but perhaps too many good people engaged in department stores and
shopping malls selling us goods which we
do not really need. All these groups have contributed to Malaysia?s economic
well-being and the richness of Malaysia?s life,
and will continue to do so regardless of whoever is in power.
The Civil Service
Additionally, our political stability owes much to the presence of a civil
service that is generally efficient and hardworking,
though perhaps bogged down by too much red-tape. Admittedly, the upper echelon
of the civil service has been politicised.
Top posts are often filled by individuals who have been promoted not because of
proven capabilities nor seniority but rather
because of their political connections. They develop into sycophants. There have
been unnecessary extravagance and wastage
and too much emphasis on the form rather than the substance of things.
Nonetheless, the lower and middle levels continue to be filled by hardworking
people who are not paid adequately for the
good work they put in. The teachers in our educational service at the primary,
secondary and tertiary-levels are a case in point.
The surgeons and specialists, medical officers, nurses and technical aides in
our general hospitals, district hospitals and rural
clinics are another group of dedicated civil servants. The uniformed units (fire
and rescue, immigration, military and even the
police force especially its traffic, crime and drug enforcement wings) also
deserve praise. There are also many heroes at the
clerical level, in the pensions department, in the welfare services, in the
drainage and irrigation department, etc. They will
continue to provide services to the public regardless of who is in power.
Mothers and Wives
Finally, in spite of the hype about bohsia, lepak, youth gangs, drug addiction,
etc, we continue to have a very strong familial
system irrespective of our different ethnic or religious backgrounds. Mothers
and wives continue to perform very important
roles at home. They pass on to the young a set of good values that enable them
to contribute to society. They also ensure that
there?s food on the table for family members.
They continue to perform these fundamental tasks which cement our society
together without receiving a wage, without due
recognition from society, or enough help from the men-folk. They, too, will
continue to contribute to Malaysia?s success and
stability irrespective of who is in power.
Approaching the Elections
As we ponder how to vote in the coming elections, keep in mind these
considerations of Malaysia?s success and the
bankruptcy of the BN?s set of political myths. However, those who are calling
for political change, more specifically for the
removal of the BN elite, must ensure that they monitor the new government even
more closely than they did the BN.
Restoring the rule of law, checks and balances including a meaningful role for
the opposition as in any democracy; consultation
of the people, and transparency in decision making should be the hallmarks of
change. It should also be an opportunity to
revoke awards given out to undeserving incompetent people; to provide just
rewards for the people who have worked so hard
to build the country; and to remove barriers that pit us one against the other
just because we belong to different religions or
cultures.
If the present Barisan government was willing to address these changes and
conduct the necessary reforms, there would have
been no reason to call for change. It is precisely because it is not willing to
do so, pretending that these injustices and
wrong-doings do not exist (what cronyism? what nepotism? the law has taken its
course) or blaming others for our
shortcomings (George Soros, Al Gore, agents of foreign powers, etc), that there
must be political change.
A normal country changes its government regularly. The change of government is
usually for five years. Malaysians are now
being asked to give the opposition an opportunity to rule for the next five
years. Indeed, there will be an opportunity to throw
out the opposition if we find them wanting in five years? time. And that should
not be difficult. For if an entrenched government
of unbroken rule of 43 years can be dislodged, it would not be a problem to give
a walking ticket to a new government that
has not lived up to expectations after five years in power.
The Barisan has played mind games with us for too long. They are now telling us
that politics is not about idealism but about
pragmatism. Beware! This is simply the new code word for the BN?s old set of
political beliefs. Politics, we insist, must be
based on ideals, however utopian they might be. We must restore politics to its
origins, that is, about building a just, free, fair,
compassionate society; about realising holistic development and ensuring our
human dignity. It is therefore time to follow the
urgings of the heart to which our humanity is more closely connected.
Recover the courage of the founding fathers and mothers of Malaysia?s
Independence who called for the replacement of the
British colonialists! Learn from Aung Sang Suu Kyi, Corazon Aquino and Megawati
Sukarnoputri, three recent David-like
political neophytes who took on the Goliaths of their countries. Like them let
us ride on the tide of democratisation. As you go
to vote, keep your wits. But listen to your hearts.
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