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PAS : KE ARAH PEMERINTAHAN ISLAM YANG ADIL
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Yahudi akan tetap menjadi musuh ummat Islam. Matlamat mereka
ialah menjadikan orang-orang Palestin sebagai hamba-hamba
mereka dan menghalau orang-orang Palestin keluar dari bumi
haram Israel. Di bawah ini anda dapat membaca satu rencana yang
ditulis oleh seorang Yahudi betapa dia mengalu-alukan tindakan
Amerika memerangi keganasan dan menyatakan orang-orang Palestin
adalah pengganas.
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http://www.danielpipes.org/articles/article.php?id=91
The Palestinian Authority (PA), vastly inferior to Israel in the
military realm, hopes to make Israel "say ouch" by deploying ter-
rorism against its civilians. Because the PA itself cannot sponsor
terror, it delegates this task to Hamas and Islamic Jihad. "[Yasser]
Arafat uses Hamas to bleed Israel, to wear it down," correctly
observes Ephraim Inbar of Bar-Ilan University. If the PA succeeds
in bleeding Israel enough, it will extract larger concessions from
it.
Terrorism, in short, is integral to the PA's negotiating. "The
Palestinian leadership uses terrorism to 'accelerate' the Oslo
process," writes the Boston Globe's Jeff Jacoby, thereby rendering
Israelis "so desperate and demoralized that they will make even
deeper concessions, surrender even more land, and struggle even
harder to make peace with their enemies."
Specifically, the PA seeks a total Israeli withdrawal from the
West Bank and Gaza, Palestinian control over the Temple Mount in
Jerusalem, and massive numbers of Palestinians permitted to live
in Israel. It wants, to be blunt, a start to the dismantling of
the Jewish state.
Arafat's speech yesterday, in which he both condemned violence
against Israel and demanded a "right of return" for millions of
Palestinians to Israeli territory, broke no new ground but merely
reiterated some tired rhetoric of his. The U.S. government properly
responded by demanding not words but "concrete action."
Israel has a counterstrategy, one increasingly evident since Ariel
Sharon became prime minister in early 2001: It is to show Pales-
tinians the futility of their dream to destroy Israel by squeezing
them through the loss of mobility, a steep decline in living stan-
dards, and a collective malaise.
"Look," Israel is in effect saying, "this is getting you nowhere.
Give up your dream of destruction. Make a deal with us."
Who is winning?
Through the '90s, Israeli confusion and illusion permitted the
Palestinians to get the upper hand. But since Sharon came to office
in March 2001, Israelis have found their old spirit, their old unity
and their old purpose.
The paralyzing divisions of the '90s have nearly disappeared, as
have the self-hating "post-Zionism" themes (which ridiculed Israeli
patriotism) and the defeatism (which prompted a unilateral withdrawal
from Lebanon).
The shift is no less dramatic on the Palestinian side. The militant
Islamic suicide bombings may suggest robust determination, but they
mask widespread despair and pessimism. How else to explain the sudden
offer (and embarrassed retraction) last week of a temporary truce
with Israel by the military wings of Hamas, Islamic Jihad and two
military groups connected to Arafat?
Note too that Arafat recently appointed Sari Nusseibeh, a moderate
Palestinian who accepts Israel's right to exist, as his representa-
tive in Jerusalem.
Palestinians fully know how much they have sacrificed over the past
year - the lives of their children, their personal well-being - and
how little they have accomplished. Such failure makes it hard for
them to sustain the political will to destroy Israel.
Should Yasser Arafat exit the political scene, that goal will become
even more remote. The Palestinian Authority could well split in two,
for it consists of two geographically separate regions (the West Bank
and Gaza), each dominated by a strongman (respectively, Jibril Rajoub
and Mohammed Dahlan).
If these toughs emerge as rulers of their areas, as seems likely,
the Palestinian national movement will be fractured as never before,
and the battle against Zionism will become yet more difficult.
For these reasons, a rapid decline of Palestinian will appears
likely, as has happened several times before (in 1939, 1949, 1967,
1991) - though this one could well be more severe.
There is good news here: If Israelis can sustain their recent sense
of common purpose and resolve, Palestinians may give up - perhaps
permanently - on their goal of destroying Israel.
And should that happen, an end to the century-long Palestinian-
Israeli conflict could finally be in sight.
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