Hi Rajam, I meant "grammar" in a very loose and general way. I.e. things about the language other than the sounds of the language. So for example I wondered why in sanskrit should *ī *,*ū* or *e* when dual terminations (and only when dual terminations) remain unchanged before vowels.. In other words why should whether a termination is "dual" or not effect its being changed by following sounds. Or why should internal sandhi be any different from external sandhi.
I received this response from Michael Witzel and I don't think he would mind if I share it. one has to look at Sandhi as the product of various historical sound changes, some Indo-Iranian (RUKI rule), some pre-Indo-Aryan, some Vedic… Thus: *ī *,*ū* or *e* when dual terminations remain unchanged before vowels. This is historical: ī, ū are from < i+H (laryngeal), u + H > with regular change to ī,ū. The laryngeal disappeared with regular lengthening of the vowel, but speakers “remembered” the gap it left. Like French Le Havre, not l’Avre. (from Germanic H-) Harry Spier On Fri, Feb 23, 2024 at 10:57 PM rajam <[email protected]> wrote: > Kindly pardon my ignorance. Please let us know how you define “grammar.” > > Thanks and regards, > rajam > > > On Feb 22, 2024, at 7:02 AM, Harry Spier via INDOLOGY < > [email protected]> wrote: > > Dear list members, > I've wondered for a long time why sanskrit sandhi has any dependence on > grammar and is not solely determined by preceding or following > letters/sounds. > > For example why should internal sandhi have any differences from external > sandhi. As MacDonell says, "The most notable divergence from external > sandhi is the unchangeableness of the final consonans of verbal and nominal > stems before terminations beginning with vowels, semivowels and nasal > > Or why should *ī *,*ū* or *e* when dual terminations (and only when dual > terminations) remain unchanged before vowels. > > In other words, in these cases why should grammar and not just adjacent > sounds determine whether sandhi occurs. > Thanks, > Harry Spier > > _______________________________________________ > INDOLOGY mailing list > [email protected] > https://list.indology.info/mailman/listinfo/indology > > >
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