The basic reason for the special behaviour of dual endings might rather be that some of them originally had a disyllabic structure *-ahiH, *-iHiH so that it was not reduced to a simple diphthong or vowel in Sandhi, and by analogy this was extended to other duals. Malzahn assumes this also for the neuter in *-o-jh₁#V > *-aiH#V > *-ayy#V but here I would doubt that the laryngeal had such an impact since it clearly did not in cases of *ayHV > Skt. ayV in internal position. But feminine forms in *-aH-iH and *-iH-iH are a different case. I discussed this in a review (Kratylos 49, 2004, pp. 53-55).
Best wishes, Martin Von: INDOLOGY <[email protected]> Im Auftrag von Hock, Hans Henrich via INDOLOGY Gesendet: Samstag, 24. Februar 2024 19:48 An: Dieter Gunkel <[email protected]> Cc: [email protected] Betreff: Re: [INDOLOGY] Sandhi and grammar Thanks, Dieter, for this helpful reference. If I read Malzahn’s arguments regarding the dual endings correctly, she suggests that their exceptional behavior can be attributed to the frequency of pre-pausal forms in numerals and vocatives, and that in the latter case prosodic factors may have played a role. I’m not convinced, however, that this will explain the lack of sandhi; if anything, a short final vowel might be expected to undergo contraction even more readily than a long final vowel. Moreover, there are many forms in short final vowel (e.g. the vocative in -a of a-stems) that do not exhibit exceptional sandhi behavior. So the situation still looks murky to me. Best wishes, Hans Henrich On Feb 24, 2024, at 11:36, Dieter Gunkel <[email protected]<mailto:[email protected]>> wrote: On the sandhi behavior of the dual endings and the linguistic history of their pragRhyatva, see Melanie Malzahn's dissertation, esp. ch. 2: https://richmond.box.com/s/qp9cn2t34zb1akvwgylmhsdgda3ltpnk<https://urldefense.com/v3/__https:/richmond.box.com/s/qp9cn2t34zb1akvwgylmhsdgda3ltpnk__;!!DZ3fjg!9jgUjd-WaWmgFPajC1MuIy2Hykrhh_pAkeWtPJ4Awgl_RSwylNGRsGYjfAYIEYnwu7siMSK0CKf7fiRjjQ$> Best wishes, Dieter
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