Is The Vision Of New Sudan Feasible In The North
"Imposition or preference of Arab and Islamic culture in the north
will do more harm than good and might disintegrate the country
further".
23 August 2011
By Masmino Gore Jhon,
(Manchester, UK)

GURTONG- The new Sudan vision was proclaimed and vigorously pursued by
Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) throughout its 21
years of civil war which started in 1983. SPLM/A consistently and
unequivocally asserted their intention and objective to fight tooth
and nail with the ultimate aim of overhauling the unjust and
undemocratic political system in Khartoum. The paramount objective was
to bring down the autocratic Islamic government and replace it with a
fair and representative government that delivers equal services and
development to all people in Sudan regardless of region, ethnicity,
religion and cultural backgrounds upon which they hail from.

The New Sudan Vision was promulgated by SPLM/A following its inception
in 1983 as a rebel movement to fight the injustices and malpractices
perpetrated by successive ruling clique in Khartoum against the vast
majority of marginalised people in the South, West, East, further
North and even central Sudan which was believed to be the hub for
development in Sudan. The vision was readily and quickly received and
well echoed by many South and North Sudanese alike, particularly those
living in the most deprived and appalling living conditions across the
Sudan.

For instance, the concept of New Sudan Vision resonated well
particularly in some of the most neglected and marginalised areas such
as Southern Kordofan, Southern Blue Nile, Eastern Sudan, etc . Many
compatriots from these regions joined SPLM/A ranks voluntarily and
unreservedly in massive numbers to fight for freedom, equal
opportunities and fair treatment in their beloved country- the Sudan.
Successful military and political campaigns in the South, West and
Eastern Sudan were absolute testimonies that SPLM/A was destined to
overthrow the regime in Khartoum. Hence, it instiled unceasing
nightmares in the NCP ruling clique.

To contain the contagious spread of viral New Sudan Vision and inhibit
its engulfment of the whole country, NCP leadership - following
excessive and relentless pressure from the international community-
reluctantly agreed to a peaceful settlement of North-South problem
which resulted in the signing of the famous peace accord known as
Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005.

At the nucleus of the CPA was the quintessence of South Sudan
Referendum option which was timely, fairly and successfully conducted
in January 2011 and delivered overwhelming results of nearly 99% in
favour of much-anticipated secession of South Sudan from the North.
This option was fully realised in July 2011 when ultimately The
Democratic Republic of South Sudan (RSS) was officially proclaimed and
unanimously recognised by all countries (including the staunch foe and
rival, President Omar El Bashir) in the world as the newest country on
the planet.

Owing to the short-sightedness and lack of candid political judgement
of the unfolding scenario (i.e. independence of South Sudan) some NCP
leaders harboured an extensive dim-witted and ill-fated notion that
secession of South Sudan might transpire and transform North Sudan
into a homogenous and harmonious society governed on the basis of
draconian/Islamic religious laws.

Furthermore, other political parties such as Just Peace Forum (JPF)
headed by El Bashir’s cousin, El Tayeb Mustafa enormously share
analogous conviction and fallacious belief that the equation- “north
Sudan minus south Sudan equals to peaceful coexistence and Islamic
state in the north”. Some key religious and political leaders
erroneously arrived at this mistaken conclusion that the independence
of South Sudan would rid North Sudan of successive and inescapable
devastating civil war(s) and ultimately inhibit the eye-opening and
menacing New Sudan Vision which poses impending threat to the wobbly
political establishment in the North.

Nevertheless, the current political reality in the north presents the
contrary; SPLM/A which was mistakenly perceived by its foes in the
North as South Sudan fighting force still prevails in the two regions
of south Kordofan and Blue Nile states as per CPA 2005 arrangements.
These two contingents are undoubtedly determined and focused on
renewed fierce struggle until Khartoum/NCP leadership agrees to
implement the Popular Consultation protocol as stipulated in the CPA.

More importantly, recent strategic, evolutionary and revolutionary
decision adopted by SPLM HQ in Juba to disengage/split SPLM/A into two
independent political forces- SPLM/A-South under the chairmanship of
the President of South Sudan, H. E. Salva Kiir Mayardiit and
SPLM/A-North headed by the Governor of Blue Nile, H. E. Malik Agar.
This new strategic political dispensation presents a glaringly
continuing image of New Sudan Vision in the eyes and ears of North
Sudanese, particularly those who falsely believe that secession of
South Sudan from the North might bring an end to the civil wars in
Sudan and probably lead to formation of viable Arab and Islamic state
in the north. On the contrary, prevalence of SPLM/A in the north
revives and refreshes the worst case scenario of the New Sudan Vision
coming into play once more.

Besides, it is more complicated and incomprehensibly challenging this
time round as other political forces are fusing with SPLM-North to
fight for the New Sudan project. Recent military and political
alliance between SPLM-North in South Kordofan unit under the
leadership of Commander Abdel Aziz al-Hilu and twin factions of Sudan
Liberation Movement (SLM) led by Abdel Wahid al-Nur and Mini Minawi
portrays the fact that New Sudan Vision is destined to pose imminent
threat to NCP rule in Khartoum. This newly formed liberation front as
known as Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF) aims to liberate Sudanese
people from supremacy of Arab and Islamic cultures and establishment
of democratic, secular and inclusive government in the North. No
doubt, this is the exponential impact of New Sudan Vision.

Furthermore, in the Eastern Sudan, and particularly Blue Nile state
where seeds of New Sudan Vision were unhesitatingly sown and widely
blossomed during SPLM/A unified military and political campaigns,
alarm bells are already sounding. As long as injustice continues
unabatedly against ethnic minorities and non Arab citizens in North
Sudan, the struggle will continue until a just, democratic and secular
system is established in Khartoum.

SPLM/A-North Chairman and Governor of Blue Nile State, H. E. Malik
Agar has clearly given strong indication of possible resistance and
resilience in confronting NCP leadership in Khartoum following recent
attempt by Khartoum National Assembly to amend the original Popular
Consultation Bill as stipulated in the CPA 2005. The Bill was drafted
without due consultation with the stakeholders (in Blue Nile and South
Kordofan states).

This tendency to undermine CPA in as far as Popular Consultation
protocol is concerned indicates revival of New Sudan Vision as an
option/resort to people in these two states. It may be prophesied at
this juncture that similar disgruntle voices would soon be echoed
across North Sudan and in particular Central States where sizable
population of black African and indigenous Sudanese are located.

Therefore, to those northern politicians and southerners alike who
erroneously believed that SPLM/A vision of new Sudan was a personal
invocation of our visionary leader, late hero Dr John Garang de
Mabior, they have been proved incorrect. Six years on after his
unfortunate martyrdom, the vision of new Sudan project is still
manifesting itself in different form and shape and raging on with
renewed vigour, dynamism, momentum, wrath and gusto.

The re-emergence or continuation of New Sudan Vision in the North is
not a new phenomenon to many Sudanese, particularly those who were
abreast and believed in this philosophy as the only means upon which
the political problems in Sudan could be solved. As a matter of fact,
the Vision of New Sudan is in conformity with what late Dr Garang
foresaw and asserted repeatedly and effectively during the period of
liberation struggle. Through his lectures/speeches, Dr John Garang de
Mabior used to urge all sceptics of New Sudan Vision- in particular
the South Sudanese- to join the war and fight until they reach the
border between the North and South. According to him, those who
liberated their territories could stay and safeguard those areas;
whilst those compatriots who felt that the solution of Sudan’s problem
cannot be achieved by segmentation of Sudan can continue fighting
until the unjust regime in Khartoum is overturned.

Therefore, secession of South Sudan from the North will not cease
pursuit of new Sudan vision. On the contrary, it has given freedom
fighters in the North new impetus and determination to fight until
they overhaul the regime in Khartoum and institute fair, democratic
and inclusive government in the North.

The peril of some delusionary leaders in the north as represented in
the calibre of the likes of Just Peace Forum (JPF) headed by El Tayeb
Mustafa, President El Bashir cousin, is more than likely to worsen the
situation and perhaps plunge the country (North Sudan) into more
turmoil. His damaging campaigns in the north against the presence of
the “African element” in North Sudan and preservation of the “purity”
of the country’s Arab and Islamic identity is a pure fantasy dream.

El Tayeb and his supporters who sarcastically and disdainfully
celebrated independence of South Sudan (on July 09, 2011) in Khartoum
with slogan of “Goodbye to the unity of blood and tears” will soon
realise that the menacing Vision of New Sudan still prevails; the wild
dream of establishing pure Arab and Islamic state in the North is far
more remote to achieve than ever and the “blood and tears” will
regrettably continue to be shed in post independence North Sudan.

In reality, it is now evidently clear that NCP leadership in Khartoum
is on the verge of collapse as profound discord amongst the ruling
elite is emerging between regime’s diehards (and its religious
demagogues) and the considerate elements within NCP who believe in
more sensible approach in handling all issues in Sudan, including
future politics and governance in the North, impasse in Abyei,
settlement of the outstanding CPA protocols, careful handling of
SPLM/A-North and permanent peaceful settlement of Darfur problems.

In conclusion, as it stands at the moment, NCP leaders have no choice
but to recognise circumstances and trustworthily acknowledge the
complex political, regional, cultural, ethnic, linguistic and
religious setup in North Sudan. Imposition or preference of Arab and
Islamic culture in the north will do more harm than good and might
disintegrate the country further.

As well, it is beyond any stretch of imagination or wishful thinking
that under any circumstances the separation of South Sudan from the
North will unify the north under the umbrella of Arab and Islamic
identity. The leaders in the North (whether NCP, Umma Party, DUP, etc)
have to recognise the complexities: multiplicity of cultures,
religions, traditions, languages and ethnic groups across the country.
More importantly, they need to solemnly soften their tone and stance
vis-à-vis the New Sudan Vision if they want to safe their skin in the
post independence North Sudan. Otherwise, the pangs of flames of new
Sudan vision will ceaselessly continue to seethe in the North until
fair representation of all groupings in the country is attained.

*The author is a South Sudanese resident in the United Kingdom. You
can post your response to this opinion in the space provided


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