>STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
>
>http://www.bullatomsci.org/issues/2000/ma00/ma00postol.html
>
>
>March/April 2000
>Vol. 56, No. 2, pp. 30-35
>
>
>by Theodore A. Postol
>
>
>
>The Clinton administration is relentlessly moving
>toward an ill-informed decision this summer to deploy
>an untested and fundamentally unworkable national
>missile defense (NMD) system. The administration
>claims this technically flawed defense is needed to
>negate an unproven long-range missile threat posed by
>"rogue" states.
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>The cost of this defense will not simply be measured
>in dollars. It may include an end to further nuclear
>arms reductions with Russia, an increased Chinese
>effort to expand its nuclear forces in response to the
>defense, negative reactions from U.S. allies in Europe
>and East Asia--who know that their security will also
>suffer from this ill-thought out American
>initiative--and an eventual collapse of global arms
>control and nonproliferation efforts.
>
>The Clinton administration, already confronted by
>strongly negative and adverse public reactions from
>Russia and China, insists that this defense system
>would not upset global efforts to reduce the dangers
>from existing nuclear arsenals and potential nuclear
>proliferants.
>
>Instead, the administration sticks to its false claim
>that the proposed system will be sharply limited, and
>that it will not compromise Russia's retaliatory
>deterrent forces.
>
>Although Iran and Iraq have been named as targets of
>this defense, North Korea is the alleged serious and
>immediate threat. But if the proposed national missile
>defense system is to be aimed principally at North
>Korean missiles, why is the United States deploying a
>radar that is ideally suited for gathering
>intelligence for such a system on the northern tip of
>Norway, less than 40 miles from the Russian border?
>
>
>
>
>The mysterious Vardo radar, with inflatable dome (top
>of page) and after the dome was blown off by a
>November storm.
>[Norwegian Defense Forces photo]
>
>
>
>Strawmen
>
>On September 8 and 9 in Moscow, Deputy Secretary of
>State Strobe Talbott presented Russia with a proposal
>to modify the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty to allow
>the United States to deploy a light but rapidly
>expandable national missile defense system.
>
>Talbott told the Russians that if they did not accept
>the U.S. proposal, the United States would simply
>withdraw from the treaty and proceed on its own.
>
>Not surprisingly, the Russians viewed Talbott's
>statements as a threat and an ultimatum rather than as
>a proposal for serious and honest discussion about
>matters of fundamental importance to both nations.
>
>Talbott's heavy-handed approach to the Russians was
>another notch in a perfectly consistent record of
>Clinton administration actions that add up to a
>coherent pattern of hostility and deception toward
>Russia. This record has created throughout the Russian
>political system a deep distrust of and anger toward
>the United States.
>
>In its seven-plus years, the Clinton administration
>has piled blunder upon blunder in dealing with Russia.
>The administration's initiative to expand NATO
>eastward has created a constant threat that the United
>States and Russia will stumble into an unwanted crisis
>that could easily escalate to nuclear alerts.
>
>The administration's continued emphasis on maintaining
>a hair-trigger nuclear strike force serves no
>constructive purpose and endangers the United States,
>Russia, and the rest of the world by threatening
>Russia's increasingly vulnerable nuclear forces.
>
>And now the Russians have been presented with an
>insulting pretense that the United States is
>vulnerable to long-range missile attacks from the
>likes of North Korea, Iran, or Iraq.
>
>The latter two countries have no substantive
>long-range missile programs. Although North Korea does
>have a program, it is based on primitive, scaled-up
>Scud technology.
>
>The Russian Scud is based on the work of German
>engineers captured by the Russians at the end of World
>War II. The Scuds themselves consist of modest
>improvements over the German V-2 missile, first flown
>by Nazi Germany in the early 1940s.
>
>Despite the vast resources available in Nazi Germany,
>and the dedicated and well-supported national effort
>in the Soviet Union that followed, the first ICBM was
>not achieved until 1957. The United States now tells
>the Russians that it has an urgent need for a national
>missile defense to protect itself from an imminent
>ICBM attack from a state that has a gross domestic
>product smaller than Delaware's.
>
>Against a backdrop of years of misrepresentations by
>the Clinton administration, the North Korean, Iranian,
>and Iraqi "threat" is seen as a strawman by the
>Russians and Chinese.
>
>The Russians and the Chinese also understand that the
>administration's "limited" defense is in fact a system
>that is indistinguishable from one aimed at them. They
>correctly understand the full technical implications
>of the administration's proposed battle-management
>upgrades of early warning radars at Fylingdales Moor,
>Britain; Thule, Greenland; Grand Forks, North Dakota;
>and Clear, Alaska. These upgrades are exactly those
>that would be needed for a national missile defense
>system aimed at Russia and China.
>
>And now comes the most recent addition to the array of
>misrepresentations to the Russians--installation of a
>state-of-the-art, NMD-capable radar in Vardo,
>virtually on the Russian border.
>
>The administration claims that the radar's purpose is
>tracking space debris in earth orbit. It is obvious to
>any technically informed person that this claim is
>simply another misrepresentation.
>
>
>
>A poke in the eye
>
>The certain principal use of this X-band radar, along
>with a second one planned for Eareckson Air Station on
>Shemya Island, some 1,500 miles south west of
>Anchorage, will be to collect detailed intelligence
>data on Russia's long-range ballistic missiles.
>
>This data will cover the entire trajectory of the
>missiles, including their powered flight, "bus"
>maneuvers, deployment of warheads and countermeasures,
>and reentry into the Pacific near the Kamchatka
>peninsula.
>
>The data collected by these radars will be of primal
>value to a U.S. national missile defense system. The
>information will be fed into the NMD data base, which
>will increase the discrimination capabilities of the
>proposed system against Russia's ballistic missiles.
>
>It is not clear that the Vardo radar, code-named HAVE
>STARE, is a formal violation of the Antiballistic
>Missile (ABM) Treaty. But it is clear that the radar
>could be added to an NMD sensor system in a way that
>would unmistakably violate the intent if not the
>letter of the treaty.
>
>It is also clear, both to Washington and Moscow, that
>the basic infrastructure of the proposed limited
>national missile defense system could be rapidly
>scaled up to become an overtly anti-Russian system.
>
>The Vardo radar may be "treaty compliant." But it is
>also one more threatening and insulting poke in the
>eye of the Russian bear.
>
>
>
>Fingerprinting
>
>The HAVE STARE radar was developed in the early 1990s
>by Raytheon, under the direction of the Electronic
>Systems Center, the air force's lead organization for
>the development and acquisition of command-and-control
>systems. According to the Defense Department, HAVE
>STARE is "a high-resolution X-band tracking and
>imaging radar with a 27-meter mechanical dish
>antenna." It became operational at Vandenberg Air
>Force Base on California's coast in 1995, where it was
>used in early developmental tests of the national
>missile defense program.
>
>In late 1998, HAVE STARE was quietly dismantled and
>sent to Norway, where it is being jointly reassembled
>by the United States and Norway under the Norwegian
>project name "Globus II." It is located at a Norwegian
>military intelligence facility and its mission,
>according to the U.S. and Norwegian governments, is to
>track and catalog space junk in high earth orbit.
>
>Space junk is no trivial matter. There are many
>thousands of manmade objects orbiting earth, ranging
>in size from paint flecks and nuts and bolts to
>booster rockets. But the new location of the HAVE
>STARE radar, publicly revealed in April 1998 by Inge
>Sellevag, a Norwegian newspaper reporter, is nearly
>the last place on earth one would choose for a radar
>with the purpose of tracking space debris. Because
>many objects of concern are in orbits that can never
>be seen from a far north location, a space tracking
>installation is in fact best placed much closer to the
>equator.
>
>But the location of the radar is ideal for collecting
>very precise data on Russian missile tests. The Vardo
>machine is--at least for now--the most advanced
>tracking and imaging radar in the world.
>
>The HAVE STARE radar potentially has a resolution of
>roughly 10 to 15 centimeters, which means it could
>provide detailed radar images of Russian warheads and
>decoys. In contrast, U.S. early warning radars have a
>resolution of--at best--5 to 10 meters.
>
>When a pulse from the Vardo X-band radar illuminates a
>target, reflections are generated mostly by the
>numerous edges, surfaces, and other geometric details
>of the target. These distinct reflections are, in
>effect, a radar-fingerprint of the object.
>
>Because the radar-fingerprint of an object varies with
>the frequency of the radar, it is especially important
>that the Vardo radar operate in the X-band, the same
>frequency range of the NMD X-band radars.
>
>In addition, the radar signal will not simply be a
>complex mix of the many individual reflections. The
>signal will fluctuate in time as the targets of
>interest rotate and precess, providing yet additional
>fingerprint data that could be exploited by the NMD
>X-band radars.
>
>In short, the Vardo radar can provide critical
>information for a national missile defense system
>aimed specifically at Russia.
>
>Further, the Vardo radar and the planned radar for
>Shemya Island at the western end of the Aleutians
>could, operating together, collect precision radar
>signature data on virtually every phase of Russian
>tests of missiles and decoys, within minutes of launch
>from the Plesetsk test range, about 150 miles south of
>the White Sea, to splashdown 4,000 miles away, near
>Kamchatka.
>
>Of particular importance, HAVE STARE will be able to
>obtain precision signature data at X-band frequencies
>and in mid-course--the critical point at which
>warheads and decoys separate from the "bus." Previous
>U.S. radars at Vardo and Shemya have lacked the
>ability to perform such measurements at X-band
>frequencies.
>
>Even though both the United States and the Soviet
>Union (and now Russia) have long been capable of
>defeating missile defense systems by deploying decoys
>and other devices along with warheads, this
>well-focused intelligence-gathering activity
>understandably appears to the Russians as a determined
>and planned step towards a U.S. National missile
>defense capability aimed at Russia. The existence of
>this radar at this location further adds to Russian
>perceptions that the Clinton administration is again
>being deceptive about its true intentions.
>
>
>
>What is "real time"?
>
>U.S. officials have said little about the export of
>the HAVE STARE radar to Norway, leaving Norwegian
>officials to explain its uses. [See "Vardo Exposed."]
>Sellevag, a reporter with Bergens Tidende in Bergen,
>Norway, stirred the pot in the spring of 1998 with
>stories revealing that HAVE STARE was moving to Norway
>and that it had a potential national missile defense
>capability.
>
>In response, Dag Jostein Fjarvoll, Norway's secretary
>of defense, assured parliament that the Globus II
>radar (HAVE STARE) was "under full Norwegian control."
>At best, that was misleading. Norwegian personnel may
>man the system but the radar will be directly linked,
>according to a viewgraph prepared by the air force's
>Electronics Systems Center, to "Cheyenne Mountain and
>NMD." (The nerve center of the proposed national
>missile defense system will be buried deeply within
>Colorado's Cheyenne Mountain.)
>
>This information clearly indicates that Fjarvoll's
>assertions that the radar could not "contribute to any
>eventual American defense" were false. Indeed, they
>seemed deliberately crafted to mislead the Norwegian
>parliament.
>
>The minister added that "only Norwegian personnel have
>access to data in so-called real time." His use of
>"real time" was repeated, perhaps for emphasis. "In
>other words, there was no connection between Globus II
>and the U.S. Air Force in real time. . . . The radar
>can therefore not contribute to any eventual American
>missile defense."
>
>To those not familiar with how acquisition and
>tracking systems work--and members of the Norwegian
>parliament surely fit that category--the no-real-time
>argument might seem compelling. From a commonsense
>point of view, if a sensor system does not supply data
>in real time, it is useless for missile defense.
>
>In fact, none of the existing U.S. early warning and
>tracking systems, or those projected for the national
>missile defense system, operate in "real time"--as the
>defense minister seems to define it.
>
>They are not real-time systems because they collect
>vast amounts of data that are not sent directly to the
>Cheyenne Mountain Complex. All of these systems--in
>place and projected--extract critical information from
>the mass of data after short processing delays. Once
>the data are extracted, only then is it sent to
>operational command centers.
>
>Each Defense Support Program satellite, for instance,
>collects about 170 million bits of information per
>second. These data are then sorted by a vastly
>powerful signal processing system on the satellite. By
>the time the data sorting is completed, only one
>million bits per second are actually transmitted to
>the ground.
>
>Once on the ground, the data are further processed.
>That processing takes place in 10-second batches,
>creating a vastly simplified but supremely accurate
>surveillance "picture" of the earth below. In turn,
>that information is updated and further processed
>every 10 seconds.
>
>In cases where there is very clear data indicating a
>missile launch, it takes 20 to 40 seconds before the
>system can "initiate" tracking of the launch. The
>operators of the system would not see this information
>for 30 to 90 seconds, depending on specific
>circumstances.
>
>Hence, the Defense Support Program satellites in high
>earth orbit, currently the heart of the U.S. early
>warning array, do not comprise a "real time" system
>according to the definition implied by the statements
>of Norway's defense minister.
>
>
>
>Why Norway?
>
>What is the purpose of the HAVE STARE radar at Vardo,
>which the Norwegians call Globus II? Its purpose is
>clear to the Russian civilian and military analysts I
>have talked to. It is an intelligence-gathering system
>optimized to collect data on Russian ballistic
>missiles that can be directly used by a U.S. National
>missile defense system aimed at Russia.
>
>The technical information on HAVE STARE released by
>the U.S. Air Force and the Ballistic Missile Defense
>Organization indicates that it is a very capable
>tracking and imaging radar. Testimony given in
>Congress and statements made elsewhere further confirm
>this. On June 18, 1996, for instance, Rear Adm.
>Richard D. West, then acting director of the Ballistic
>Missile Defense Organization, testified before the
>House National Security Committee about the NMD
>program.
>
>In his testimony, he described plans to upgrade
>existing early warning radars "for inclusion in the
>NMD architecture." He added, "If needed, other
>existing forward-based radars (such as Cobra Dane or
>HAVE STARE) could also be used to support the NMD
>system."
>
>More recently, Sellevag has tracked references to HAVE
>STARE's potential usefulness to the NMD program. A
>mid-1990s air force environmental impact statement
>provided by the U.S. Air Force Atmospheric Interceptor
>Technology Program, noted:
>
>"Two existing U.S. Air Force radar systems have high
>potential for NMD application. The upgraded Precision
>Acquisition Vehicle Energy-Phased Array Warning System
>(PAVE PAWS) radar located at Beale Air Force Base
>(AFB), California is a wide-looking potential target
>detection element of a future NMD system. The HAVE
>STARE tracking radar located at Vandenberg AFB,
>California represents a candidate design to perform
>the narrow-looking, target tracking radar role in a
>future NMD system.
>
>"To fully understand the utility of these radar
>systems in an NMD role, the [air force] plans to
>integrate and test these systems using realistic
>threat scenarios. California is the only location
>where these radars are close enough to be tested
>together. The PAVE PAWS radar initially detects an
>incoming target and hands over specific target
>tracking to the HAVE STARE."
>
>The tests were carried out. Two Minuteman III launches
>were picked up by the Defense Support Program's early
>warning satellites; in turn, that data cued PAVE PAWS
>and HAVE STARE, which tracked the missiles.
>
>Sellevag documents that HAVE STARE was later involved
>in two test flights in the NMD program. In June 1997,
>a Minuteman II lifted off from Vandenberg with dummy
>warheads and balloon decoys--targets for sensor
>payloads aboard Boeing's Exoatmospheric Kill Vehicle,
>launched from Kwajalein. A similar test of Raytheon's
>entry into the Exoatmospheric Kill Vehicle sweep
>stakes took place in January 1998. (Both tests were of
>the sensors; no intercept of the target was
>attempted.)
>
>Occasional air force and Ballistic Missile Defense
>Organization briefing viewgraphs and slides allude,
>directly or indirectly, to HAVE STARE in future NMD
>architecture. One December 1999 slide produced by the
>Strategic and Nuclear Deterrence Command-and-Control
>Program Office shows HAVE STARE clustered with a host
>of "Global Awareness" sensors, all of which are linked
>to Cheyenne Mountain & NMD.
>
>Could HAVE STARE act as an early warning and tracking
>radar if a national missile defense system is
>deployed? Yes--but only as a backup to other sensors
>closer to home or parked in safe orbits.
>
>The U.S. Air Force would have to assume that in the
>event of an intentional missile attack by Russia,
>Vardo would be immediately destroyed. (According to
>Sellevag, the idea that the Vardo radar might put
>northern Norway at the top of Russia's nuclear target
>list has unsettled at least a few members of the
>Norwegian parliament.)
>
>But the real value of the Vardo radar and of the
>not-yet-built Shemya radar is that they can do
>critical advance work for the national missile defense
>system. They can collect radar
>signatures--"fingerprints"--from a host of Russian
>missiles, warheads, decoys, and other devices as they
>are tested in east-west flight high above the Russian
>hinterland.
>
>These fingerprints constitute vital information for
>any system designed to counter the Russian missile
>"threat," which must function perfectly within minutes
>of the need to do so. A system that cannot quickly
>separate warheads from everything else is fatally
>flawed.
>
>If the purpose of a national missile defense system is
>to protect the United States from North Korean
>missiles, why is the world's most advanced tracking
>and imaging radar about to go online at the northern
>tip of Norway instead of northern Japan?
>
>Why Norway? is an especially intriguing question in
>the context of the threats made last September by
>Strobe Talbott to the Russians, when he said that the
>United States was considering unilateral withdrawal
>from the ABM Treaty
>
>Meanwhile, the administration may soon make a decision
>to deploy a national missile defense that could well
>end whatever momentum is left in the U.S.-Russian
>strategic arms reduction process.
>
>The truth is that domestic politics in the United
>States has led to false claims about the promise of
>missile defense technology--as well as fantastic
>claims about "emerging threats."
>
>Both the Republicans and the Democrats have been
>involved in a charade trying to make each look less
>concerned about national defense while they together
>drive the United States toward a disaster of historic
>proportions.
>
>If the administration decides this summer to deploy
>the national missile defense system, it should at
>least be honest about it. The Pentagon still defines
>the principal missile threat as Russia, not North
>Korea. That is why HAVE STARE is in northern Norway
>instead of northern Japan.
>
>
>
>A new arms race?
>
>In his visit to Russia last September, Talbott assured
>the Russians that the proposed system would only be
>capable of handling "tens of missiles." Apparently
>Talbott thought that would reassure the Russians and
>not alarm the Chinese.
>
>But the Chinese have, according to the CIA, only 20
>missiles capable of reaching the United States. The
>Chinese have long said that the proposed "limited"
>system has an anti-Chinese face. And the Russians
>clearly believe that a system that could be rapidly
>expanded and upgraded looks like an anti-Russian
>system.
>
>Talbott's words got an immediate response from Russia
>and China. When I was in Moscow in October, only a few
>weeks after Talbott's visit, I was told by several
>government officials about a meeting in Beijing, from
>which they had just returned.
>
>The meeting was sponsored by the foreign ministries of
>Russia and China. However, most of the participants
>were from the Russian and Chinese ministries of
>defense. The purpose of the meeting was to begin
>Russian and Chinese political and technical
>cooperation to deal with the threat of a U.S. National
>missile defense system.
>
>George N. Lewis, John Pike, and I published an article
>in the August 1999 issue of Scientific American, which
>attempted to show that the proposed U.S. National
>missile defense system could be defeated by the
>simplest of countermeasures. I personally know missile
>experts in Russia and China, and they agree.
>
>A U.S. decision to deploy will nevertheless result in
>a strong negative, coordinated, and unequivocal
>reaction from Russia and China. This is because there
>will be constant concerns that the United States may
>eventually expand and modify the defense with
>nuclear-armed interceptors instead of the pitiful
>hit-to-kill interceptors now planned for the system.
>
>A modified and expanded nuclear system could also be
>readily defeated, but the Russians and Chinese would
>have to dedicate more resources to the task. Most
>important: They might want to expand their offensive
>capability, following the Nuclear Age dictum that a
>good offense beats any defense.
>
>The Russians and Chinese also will not want to agree
>to a cutoff in the production of fissile materials for
>nuclear weapons. After all, they may need these
>materials to expand their nuclear arsenals in response
>to upgrades in U.S. missile defenses.
>
>They will want to reserve the option of nuclear
>testing, so that new nuclear weapons designs--hardened
>to the effects of U.S. nuclear interceptors--can be
>tested.
>
>And they will certainly not be interested in engaging
>in further arms reductions. Instead, they may need to
>expand their forces in response to changes in the U.S.
>National missile defense system.
>
>While this game is going on between the United States,
>Russia, and China, the non-weapon state signatories to
>the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty will be watching
>their security erode along with that of the three
>great competing powers. Some states may choose to
>withdraw from the treaty while others may choose to
>stay.
>
>However, some of the states that withdraw may create
>pressures on neighboring states to also withdraw,
>especially if there are traditional tensions between
>these states.
>
>Thus, a decade after the end of the Cold War, the
>Clinton administration has put us on the path to a new
>arms race and a breakdown of the entire international
>regime of treaties that has been built over the past
>30 years.
>
>It is bad enough if the administration simply does not
>understand what it is doing.
>
>It is even worse if it does.
>
>
>-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
>-
>Theodore A. Postol is a professor of science,
>technology, and national security policy at the
>Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He has worked
>as a scientist at Argonne National Laboratory and on
>missile-related issues at the Congressional Office of
>Technology Assessment, and the Office of the Chief of
>Naval Operations. He has done extensive work on the
>Patriot anti-missile system's performance during the
>1991 Gulf War.
>
>
>
>
>©2000 The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists
>
>
>
>
>
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