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From: Global Network Against Weapons & Nuclear Power in Space
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Sent: Sunday, February 04, 2001 2:16 PM
Subject: RUMSFELD/MCCAIN/LIEBERMAN/KISSINGER PUSH BMD IN MUNICH


U.S. Tries Defusing Allies' Opposition to Missile Defense
          By MICHAEL R. GORDON

                      The Associated Press



         MUNICH, Feb. 3 - Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, the first
senior Bush administration official to visit Europe, tried today to defuse
opposition to the administration's antimissile plans by offering to help
European nations and other allies to deploy missile defenses.

          But while Mr. Rumsfeld assured European allies that the United
States would consult with them on its antimissile plan, he did not address
in any detail one of the Europeans' principal concerns: how an antimissile
defense can be reconciled with strategic arms control and a productive
relationship with Moscow.

          "The United States intends to develop and deploy a missile defense
designed to defend our people and forces against a limited ballistic missile
attack, and is prepared to assist friends and allies threatened by missile
attack to deploy such defenses," Mr. Rumsfeld said in a speech to a
conference of top political officials and defense specialists.

          Mr. Rumsfeld underscored that the Bush administration was
determined to proceed with an antimissile defense of United States territory
even if it could not overcome the objections from the Russians, the Chinese
and the Europeans. He described a missile defense as nothing less than a
moral imperative.

          Missile defense was hardly the only sensitive issue today. The
European Union's move to develop a 60,000-member rapid reaction force by
2003 has drawn a wary reaction from the Bush administration.

          While not opposing the initiative, Mr. Rumsfeld was clearly
skeptical, and stressed the need for great care to ensure that the European
Union does not detract from NATO.

          Mr. Bush's fatigue with the Balkan peacekeeping mission also
remains a continuing source of anxiety in Europe. Mr. Rumsfeld said little
on the subject today, saying that the matter was under review at the White
House. The United States and Europe also have to decide how to proceed with
NATO expansion, a topic that greatly worries the Russians.

          But as European leaders have challenged the missile defense plan
in recent weeks, the issue has risen to the fore. The main European concern
is that deployment of an antimissile shield will undermine the framework of
nuclear arms control and spoil relations with the Russians. Or as President
Jacques Chirac of France put it last month, an American missile defense
"cannot fail to relaunch the arms race in the world."

          Mr. Chirac has not been the only critic. Rudolf Scharping, the
German defense minister, has questioned the technological feasibility of the
missile defense plan, and on a recent visit to Moscow urged that arms
control agreements be preserved.

          The Russians have sought to stoke the Europeans' fears, warning
that they may abandon the strategic arms constraints they have negotiated
with Washington if the Bush administration abandons the 1972 Antiballistic
Missile Treaty and deploys an antimissile system.

          The head of the Russian Security Council, Sergei Ivanov, is due to
address the conference on Sunday, raising the specter of an American-Russian
tussle for European opinion.

          In his attempts to sway European opinion, Mr. Rumsfeld presented
several arguments. He suggested that antimissile defenses could be
reconciled with some arms control treaties, avoiding the bluntness of
comments he made in Congressional hearings - and even on the plane flying to
the conference - that the ABM treaty was an anachronism.

          Mr. Rumsfeld also sought to turn long-standing European concerns
about American isolationism or military intervention into arguments for
missile defenses.

          Without a missile shield, he suggested, future American leaders
might turn isolationist in a crisis and shrink from confronting a missile-
wielding third world aggressor. Alternatively, he warned, America might have
to carry out a pre-emptive strike against a rogue nation.

          "A system of defense need not be perfect, but the American people
must not be left completely defenseless," Mr. Rumsfeld said. "It is not so
much a technical question as a matter of a president's constitutional
responsibility. Indeed, it is, in many respects, a moral issue."

          Mr. Rumsfeld's case was helped by Senator Joseph I. Lieberman, who
told the meeting that there was a general consensus in Washington that some
sort of missile defense should be deployed. "The question from an American
point of view is not whether we will have a national missile defense but
when and how," Senator Lieberman said. "This is not a technologically
feasible program now. We are some years away."

          Senator John McCain and former Secretary of State Henry A.
Kissinger also called for missile defenses, adding to the sense of
inevitability.

          The European response to Mr. Rumsfeld's proposal today was
respectful, if restrained. Joschka Fischer, the German foreign minister,
appeared to speak for most of his fellow European foreign ministers when he
said that European nations were glad that Washington wanted to consult with
them on the antimissile plan but that a missile defense must not come at the
expense of arms control. That is a difficult balancing act that neither the
Americans nor the Europeans were prepared to discuss in detail.

          In general, neither European nor American officials seemed
inclined to quarrel openly today about missile defense or the European
Union's rapid reaction initiative.

          "The United States has made it clear it intends to develop a
missile defense system," said George Robertson, the NATO secretary general.
"We have to take the sincerity and commitment of the United States
seriously."

          European officials cling to the hope that an American missile
defense might be compatible with a modified version of the ABM treaty. Mr.
Rumsfeld was careful not to exclude that option, but it may well be put to
the test once the scale of the administration's plans are known.

          Former President Bill Clinton proposed limited defense, involving
100 interceptors and a battle management radar in Alaska, which he planned
to reconcile with an amended ABM treaty. There is no reason to think,
however, that the Bush administration will settle for such a limited system,
which was still too much for the Russians.

          Mr. Rumsfeld, a former American ambassador to NATO, has only been
in office for two weeks, and the Bush administration as a whole has not yet
had time to develop comprehensive missile defense proposals.

          Still, Mr. Rumsfeld's offer to help the Europeans and other allies
deploy defenses raised a number of tricky questions, such as which land-
based, sea-based or space-based systems might be used. As a result, it is
impossible to say how long it would take to develop a system, what it would
cost or to what extent it would require modification of the ABM treaty.

          Mr. Rumsfeld did not say how much the Europeans would have to pay
for antimissile defenses of their territory - no small concern for a
continent whose military spending has lagged - and what Washington might
contribute.

          Mr. Rumsfeld has been something of a hard-liner on arms control.
While Bush administration officials have previously talked of making deep,
even unilateral cuts in the American nuclear arsenal, he had no specific
arms control proposals to offer Moscow today. Yet he insisted that the
Russians were mistaken to perceive an antimissile defenses as quest for
strategic advantage.

          He said a limited American defense could not neutralize the
Russian nuclear arsenal, and he suggested that the Russians understood that
but were pretending not to understand to build opposition to the American
plan in Europe.

          "The idea of an arms race between the United States and Russia
ought not to be front and center in our thinking," Mr. Rumsfeld said. "It is
something that is a leftover, a relic in our thinking."


Bruce K. Gagnon
Coordinator
Global Network Against Weapons & Nuclear Power in Space
PO Box 90083
Gainesville, FL. 32607
(352) 337-9274
http://www.space4peace.org
[EMAIL PROTECTED]




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