Why nuclear power must go
In an article for the Indypendent, Chris Williams, author of Ecology and 
Socialism: Solutions to Capitalist Ecological Crisis, delivers the facts about 
nuclear power.

April 7, 2011


One of the damaged reactors at the Fukishima-Daiichi nuclear power plant


FROM THE very beginning, unlocking the power of the atom for 
"peaceful" energy production was about waging war to its logical 
endpoint: The power to destroy life on a planetary scale.

People around the world were aghast at the apocalyptic destruction 
wreaked on Japan during a few hellish minutes when the United States 
dropped the nuclear bombs codenamed Little Boy and Fatman on the cities 
of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945. The immediate loss of life, in
 the tens of thousands, coupled with the invisible and long-term effects
 of radiation sickness and cancers, brought the world up against the 
sharp razor edge of the nuclear age.

Subsequently, during the Cold War, NATO's nuclear war policy was 
officially named MAD--for Mutually Assured Destruction--a point parodied
 in the outstanding black comedy Dr. Strangelove: Or How I Learned to Stop 
Worrying and Love the Bomb.

If nuclear weapons were to have a future, perfecting them as the 
ultimate weapon of mass destruction needed a justification other than 
annihilating humans. Moreover, the plutonium typically used in 
fusion-based hydrogen bombs--hundreds and even thousands of times more 
destructive than an atom bomb--is not an element that occurs naturally 
on earth. It is a byproduct of fission, splitting uranium atoms to 
unleash and harness energy, which takes place inside nuclear reactors.

Hence, without a nuclear power program, presented as the peaceful generation of 
unlimited, cheap and safe energy, it's not possible to realistically produce 
the required amount of plutonium for nuclear weapons.

The first nuclear plants in the United Kingdom commissioned in the 
1950s, at Calder Hall and Chapelcross, were explicitly for the 
production of plutonium for Britain's nascent nuclear weapons program; 
generating electricity was a secondary consideration.
In 1954, Lewis Strauss, chairman of the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, imagined 
a nuclear-powered paradise:

Our children will enjoy in their homes electrical energy too cheap to 
meter...It is not too much to expect that our children will know of 
great periodic regional famines in the world only as matters of history,
 will travel effortlessly over the seas and under them and through the 
air with a minimum of danger and at great speeds, and will experience a 
lifespan far longer than ours, as disease yields and man comes to 
understand what causes him to age.

But the interconnection between nuclear power and nuclear weapons is 
inescapable. Because nuclear weapons are designed to be the "Hammer of 
God," the ultimate arbiter of power, any country that is under external 
threat will logically seek to develop nuclear weapons as a deterrent, 
which was their stated benefit and contribution to "world peace."
North Korea, following George Bush's post-September 11 declaration 
that it was a member of the "axis of evil," concluded it needed to speed
 up development and testing of a nuclear weapon, which it realized with an 
underground nuclear detonation in October 2006.
 Iran, the second member of the reputed Axis (Saddam Hussein's Iraq 
having been the third), has been under intense U.S. pressure for nearly a
 decade to abandon its civil nuclear power program despite having the 
legal right to pursue such a course.

Interestingly, thinly veiled threats that the United States or Israel
 may bomb Iran's nuclear facilities are predicated on the links between 
military and civilian nuclear programs. This has been one of the main 
arguments of the anti-nuclear movement: that peaceful nuclear energy 
programs drive an ever-more terrifying arms race.

Indeed, there are four nations with undeclared stockpiles of nuclear 
weapons developed from civil programs, and it is no coincidence that 
they are in some of the most militarized and dangerous areas of the 
world: Israel, Pakistan, India and North Korea.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
WITH THE deepening calamity at the Fukushima-Daiichi nuclear power 
plant in Japan, there has been a great deal of focus on the possibility 
of other nuclear power accidents around the world.
According to a new report by the Union of Concerned Scientists cited by the 
Christian Science Monitor:

Nuclear plants in the United States last year experienced at least 14 
"near misses," serious failures in which safety was jeopardized, at 
least in part, due to lapses in oversight and enforcement by U.S. 
nuclear safety regulators...While none of the safety problems harmed 
plant employees or the public, they occurred with alarming 
frequency--more than once a month--which is high for a mature industry.

In the United States, 23 of the 104 operational nuclear reactors are 
built on the same 1960s design by the same company, General Electric, as
 the reactors at Fukushima. They have been recognized to have serious 
design faults since the 1970s and have been regularly retrofitted--that 
is, patched up--to address design vulnerabilities that are routinely 
discovered, and that could lead to a core breach and the release of 
radioactive isotopes.

Many plants sit on geologically active faults, in coastal locations or close to 
large sources of fresh water. The 36-year-old Indian Point nuclear power plant, 
located 35 miles from midtown Manhattan, has a history of safety problems and 
sits on two fault lines.

The U.S. government has warned its citizens to stay at least 50 miles
 away from Fukushima, while Japan has limited the evacuation and 
exclusion zone to 12 miles. If Indian Point were ground zero, creating a
 50-mile buffer--which the chairman of the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission 
recommended to Congress
 in case of an accident comparable to Fukushima--would mean evacuating 
and relocating some 20 million people. Undertaking such a plan has been called 
a "fantasy" by none other than the Department of Homeland Security, the agency 
that would be in charge in such a disaster.

Within the next 30 years, California has a 99.7 percent chance of 
being hit with an earthquake with a magnitude of 6.7 on the Richter 
scale or greater. Nuclear plants in California with the same design as 
Fukushima's are only built to withstand quakes of 7.0 to 7.5 in 
magnitude, while the one that hit Japan on March 11 was 9.0. We know a 
larger earthquake is possible because the 1906 earthquake that tore San 
Francisco apart measured 8.3 on the Richter scale.

California would not be immune to a powerful tsunami such as the one 
responsible for the multiple meltdowns in Fukushima, but as crazy as it 
sounds, one nuclear power plant, the San Onofre facility located south 
of Los Angeles, is built right on the beach.

Instead of waiting for another devastating nuclear accident to occur 
in the U.S. rivaling the one at Three Mile Island in 1979, we need to 
push the government to abandon plans both to re-license old plants for 
another 20 years and build new ones.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
PRODUCING ELECTRICITY by splitting apart uranium atoms is an 
inherently unstable process that can lead to a runaway nuclear reaction 
at any moment.

The "controlled" chain reaction inside the core has to be 
relentlessly monitored to keep it within tolerable limits, particularly 
regarding pressure and temperature. Hence the need to keep the core 
cooled at all times and have control rods ready to drop into place at a 
moment's notice, and the necessity of multiple backup systems and 
fail-safe devices, at least two containment vessels, an evacuation plan,
 measures to prevent radiation leaks, regular testing of workers and the
 surroundings, and so on.

This instability at the heart of nuclear power, combined with the 
extremely toxic waste, leads to the second insurmountable issue: its 
expense.

The nuclear power industry knows that it is an economic boondoggle, 
which is why it demands cast-iron guarantees of limited liability for 
accidents as well as huge government subsidies before considering 
construction of new plants. The Bush administration bestowed $18.5 
billion in loan guarantees on the industry, and the Obama administration
 doubled down with $36 billion more.

Yet the nuclear industry is asking for additional guarantees of $100 
billion. It also requested an extension of tax credits without 
plant-size restrictions, an investment tax credit and a worker training 
and manufacturing tax credit, as well as reductions in tariffs on any 
imports of required materials and components.

Citibank, which has rarely met a risky investment it didn't like, 
issued a report in 2009 that found little reason to cheer the industry. 
Titled "New Nuclear: The Economics Say No," the report noted
 that "the risks faced by developers [of new nuclear plants]...are so 
large and variable that individually, they could each bring even the 
largest utility company to its knees financially."

The Price-Anderson Nuclear Indemnities Act, first passed in 1957 and 
last renewed in 2005, restricts any costs payable by utility companies 
in the event of a nuclear accident to $12.6 billion. Anything above that
 amount--which would be quickly exceeded in any major accident--is 
covered by the public.

A comprehensive 2003 report from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 
titled "The Future of Nuclear Power," outlined the huge obstacles to expanding 
nuclear power:

[T]he prospects for nuclear energy as an option are limited, the report 
finds, by four unresolved problems: high relative costs; perceived 
adverse safety, environmental and health effects; potential security 
risks stemming from proliferation; and unresolved challenges in 
long-term management of nuclear wastes.

A 2009 updated report mentions that the current support program is 
"not yet effective and needs to be improved," referring to increased 
government subsidies. According to a report cited in Scientific American,
 the costs to the taxpayer of building 100 new nuclear power plants over
 the lifetime of the plants--over and above costs associated with 
alternatives if they had been pursued--comes to a staggering $1.9 
trillion to $4.1 trillion. As nuclear plants are notorious for cost 
overruns, the higher figure is much more likely.

The MIT report also undermines one common pro-nuclear power argument 
favored by environmentalists such as George Monbiot: "At least it's not 
coal." The study states, "If more is not done, nuclear power will 
diminish as a practical and timely option for deployment at a scale that
 would constitute a material contribution to climate change risk 
mitigation."

In short, without embarking on a frenzy of construction that 
surpasses the global programs of the 1970s and 1980s, nuclear power 
cannot make a meaningful contribution to mitigating climate change. The 
International Atomic Energy Agency, whose mission is to promote nuclear 
power, is even more skeptical:
 "Nuclear power is not a near-term solution to the challenge of climate 
change. The need to immediately and dramatically reduce carbon emissions
 calls for approaches that can be implemented more quickly than building
 nuclear reactors."

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
WHAT ARE the alternatives? Wind farms take only 18 months to come on 
line; nuclear plants typically take in excess of 10 years. The last 
nuclear power plant to come on line in the U.S., at Watts Bar in 
Tennessee, took 23 years to build and cost $6.9 billion. 
Numerous 
studies, ranging from the Wall Street Journal to independent 
energy analysts, have put the cost of nuclear power at 12 to 20 cents 
per kilowatt hour. In contrast, those same studies put the cost of 
renewable energy at an average of 6 cents for the same output.

Governments around the world are not fond of nuclear power for its 
supposed environmental benefits or for its reliability, safety or 
economic superiority. Ruling elites want more nuclear power because of 
its connection to nuclear weapons production, the desire for great power
 status and the quest for energy independence.

There are many other reasons to phase out nuclear power, such as the 
growing mountain of long-term waste: the U.S. government proposes to 
sequester waste for 1 million years--five times as long as homo sapiens 
have existed.

Other drawbacks include the persistent and large cost overruns during
 construction, the astronomical expense of decommissioning of nuclear 
power plants, the heavily polluting and energy intensive mining and 
refining of nuclear fuel from uranium ore, the dangers of transporting 
nuclear fuel for reprocessing, the international trade in nuclear waste 
and the highly centralized nature of the power system which means, as 
Fukushima has demonstrated, if one facility goes down it takes out an 
enormous chunk of the electricity supply.

As nuclear plants have to be continuously operated as close to full 
capacity as possible to even come close to justifying their costs, they 
directly displace clean renewable sources of energy such as wind and 
solar. Like nuclear power, they are best suited for base-load supply, 
which means they supply the minimum power needed for a block of 
customers. In addition, if governments re-license nuclear plants for 
another 20 years and build new ones that operate for 60 years more, then
 there will be no "transition" to clean power until almost the end of 
this century.

It's also a myth that nuclear power cannot be replaced by truly green
 energy. Many scientific studies show that it is possible to construct 
wind, solar, geothermal and tidal sources of energy that don't generate 
radioactive waste, don't lead to resource wars, don't have big carbon 
footprints, and that don't require massive amounts of farmland, energy 
and water, unlike agro-fuels such as corn-based ethanol.

Furthermore, the technology already exists to tap these genuine 
renewable sources for all of our electrical needs--though, to be fair, 
it would take 20 to 30 years of intensive manufacturing, engineering and
 construction to build the necessary generation, transmission, storage 
and distribution systems.

Ultimately, though, the problem is social and political, not a matter
 of science and technology. In that regard, the problem is not just 
Republicans, but Barack Obama and the vast majority of Democrats, who 
are in the pro-nuclear camp even in the face of catastrophe and who 
steadfastly favor "clean" coal, more offshore oil drilling in the Gulf 
and the Arctic, and increasing agro-fuel production.

If we want a transition to a sane and clean energy policy, we will have to 
organize independently and fight for it.
http://socialistworker.org/2011/04/07/why-nuclear-power-must-go

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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