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March 14, 2012

Labor Politics and the Captive Electorate of 2012

Big Labor Folds, Endorses Obama

by BRIAN TIERNEY

Back in 2010, Randi Weingarten, president of the 1.5 million-member American
Federation of Teachers (AFT), lashed out at President Obama who she said was
part of the "blame the teacher crowd" of education reform.

"I never thought I'd see a Democratic president, whom we helped elect, and
his education secretary applaud the mass firing of 89 teachers and staff,"
she said - referring to the firing of all teachers at Central Falls High
School in Rhode Island earlier that year.

Last month, the AFT executive council unanimously voted to endorse Obama for
reelection.

"While we have not agreed with every decision President Obama has made, he
shares our deep commitment to rebuilding the middle class and ensuring
everyone has an opportunity to achieve the American dream," Weingarten said.
Never mind those 89 teachers or the thousands more whose "opportunity to
achieve the American dream" is under the gun of Obama's school "reform"
agenda.

Last year, AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka criticized Obama for aligning
with the right and cutting social programs.

"If they [Obama administration] don't have a jobs program, I think we'd
better use our money doing other things," the leader of the nation's largest
union federation said, threatening to withhold labor's support for Obama.
Less than two months later, Trumka told reporters that the AFL-CIO would
most likely endorse the reelection campaign, saying, "President Obama has
been a friend for us."

On Tuesday the AFL-CIO's executive board unanimously voted to endorse Obama.

"Although the labor movement has sometimes differed with the president and
often pushed his administration to do more - and do it faster - we have
never doubted his commitment to a strong future for working families,"
Trumka said in a statement announcing the endorsement.

None of this should surprise anyone who is familiar with labor's captivity
in the machinery of the Democratic Party. What appears to be schizophrenic
in the real world is normal behavior in the world of organized labor and
electoral politics.

But this election comes after a year of unprecedented attacks on workers.

Both Republicans and Democrats have been ratcheting up the war against
unions, a fact that is making it increasingly difficult for union leaders to
justify their support for Obama to their rank-and-file members.

"Notwithstanding all our disappointment with the Obama presidency, it's
clear that the clowns on the Republican side would be devastating to working
people," a Communication Workers of America (CWA) official told In These
Times last month. "But we're anticipating a tougher challenge motivating
people because there is a lot of disappointment and letdown," he admitted.

That's probably because workers are hard-pressed to imagine what could be
more "devastating to working people" than what they've seen in the last year
alone. Workers have faced the erosion of collective bargaining rights, the
first state in the Midwest passing "Right to Work" legislation, an FAA
reauthorization bill signed by Obama that makes it more difficult for
airline workers to organize, plans for massive layoffs of postal workers
nationwide, and ramped-up attacks on public education.

And that's by no means an exhaustive list of the recent blows suffered by
the labor movement.

In addition to the AFT and AFL-CIO, major unions that have declared their
endorsement for Obama's reelection include SEIU, AFSCME, Laborers'
International Union (LIUNA), United Food and Commercial Workers, CWA, the
Machinists, United Farm Workers, United Steel Workers, and the National
Education Association. The list is sure to grow as the election season moves
forward.

"We've been treading water as a labor movement," says Chris Townsend,
Political Action Director of United Electrical Workers (UE). At best,
supporting Democrats is a strategy to buy time. And union leaders won't
admit to their members that they are stuck," he adds, echoing a point he
made in a recent interview on Al-Jazeera's Inside Story.

Townsend is one of the few union officials in the labor movement who
forcefully criticizes labor's allegiance to the Democratic Party. He points
out that the more unions continue the bankrupt strategy of supporting a
party that is often ambivalent or hostile to the movement, the harder it
will be for them to beat back the right-wing agenda to destroy unions
altogether.

"How many more times is labor going to go back to the members and tell them
to vote for some Democrat that has left us hanging? It's no wonder that many
union members and workers are not buying the Obama-Biden rhetoric this time.
Instead of tackling the corporations and the Republicans head-on, the White
House stands by in silence while organized labor is subjected to a life and
death struggle in Wisconsin and Ohio. If union members get stuck voting for
Obama because Romney is so much worse, we should just tell the truth. We are
trapped in a profoundly corrupt and rigged political system. By going back
again and again and hanging the union seal of approval on candidates who are
not supportive of our cause, we merely hasten our own demise."

On Saturday, the Los Angeles Times reported that labor leaders are talking
about "shifting" their tactics by spending less on politics and more on
movement-building. The Times reports that the Amalgamated Transit Union,
which represents some 190,000 transit workers in the U.S. and Canada, "has
shifted 'the culture of [the] union from.political activity to broader
coalition building,'"

Meanwhile, an election battle is brewing within AFSCME, a union that
represents 1.6 million public sector workers and which spent more money
during the 2010 elections than any other group. One of the candidates vying
to replace the outgoing President Gerald McEntee says he wants to put an end
to the "checkbook unionism" that has so closely tied the union to the
Democratic Party.

But the political landscape since the Supreme Court's Citizen's United
decision has seen unlimited spending on politics in the form of "SuperPACs."
And it's not just corporations that are taking advantage of the new terrain.
At the end of January the ALF-CIO's "Workers' Voice" SuperPAC had raised up
to $4 million.

Of course, union leaders will not be able to mobilize their membership the
way they did in 2008. Four years ago, the AFL-CIO sent 250,000 volunteers
knocking on doors for Obama and other Democratic candidates. Much of that
base of members and allies is deeply disenchanted with the Obama
administration. And for good reason.

Before he dropped labor's biggest priority in 2009 by abandoning the
Employee Free Choice Act, Obama was busy stacking his administration with
Wall Street insiders. More recent corporate additions include the anti-union
General Electric CEO Jeff Immelt who chairs the president's "Jobs Council."

Over the past few years teachers from California to Chicago to New York have
essentially been held at gunpoint by austerity-driven governors and mayors
whose cuts and test-based reforms are supported by Obama and his education
secretary, Arne Duncan.

In the private sector, American Airlines is using Chapter 11 bankruptcy to
tear up union contracts, "restructure" pensions and cut up to 13,000 jobs.
And for his reelection, Obama has received nearly $29,000 from AT&T, a
company that is looking to layoff hundreds of workers in the Southeast.

Last year, Democrats in Indiana fled the state and successfully stopped a
bill that would have made Indiana the first "Right to Work" state in the
union-heavy rust belt. But this year, the Democrats chose to stand down,
giving the green light to employers to bleed members and money from the
unions.

But it seems Democrats can rely on Obama's celebrity and eloquence to win
back the hearts of labor leaders. Introducing Obama at the recent United
Auto Workers conference, UAW leader Bob King praised Obama as "the champion
of all workers."

If King feels he owes Obama a bit of gratitude, it's because the president
extracted huge concessions from his members in exchange for "saving the
industry." So King's job is safe, even if hundreds of thousands of workers
suffered massive layoffs and cuts to wages and benefits. Years of
outsourcing, two-tier wage structures and other concessions have led to job
loss and stagnant wages throughout the industry. Now the UAW has joined
Obama in celebrating the return of some outsourced jobs thanks to these
"competitive wages."

In an apparent mission to turn the U.S. into a source of cheap labor,
policymakers in both political parties have for decades demonstrated their
commitment to permanently lower working-class living standards. And recently
Obama has been less shy about his role in this effort, touting his own
policies for helping to make the U.S. more competitive with low-wage
countries. Indeed, the cover story in the latest issue of Mother Jones
magazine, documenting journalist Mac McClelland's time working in an online
retail warehouse, leaves readers wondering how far the U.S. working class is
from experiencing the same grueling conditions that have made Apple
factories in China so famous.

Manufacturing isn't the only target, though. The logic of Obama's "Race to
the Top" (RTTT) program - offering education funding to states in exchange
for teacher evaluations based on student test scores and opening more
charters - has permeated school districts across the country, with
devastating effects for students, teachers and their unions. In many cities,
as "underperforming" teachers are fired and "underperforming" schools face
closures and "turnarounds," low-income students of color are being impacted
the most.

But even if RTTT is aimed at privatizing public education and undermining
teacher unionism, AFT President Weingarten is more likely to be heard giving
her qualified praise for the program. That's not the only reason AFT's
exuberant endorsement of Obama is unsurprising. After all, in addition to
running the second-largest education union in the country, Weingarten is an
active member of the Democratic National Committee. The fact is that
countless other paid Democratic Party functionaries cycle through the upper
echelons of the labor movement. But they are a lot less powerful than the
corporate forces in the party, which begs the question: who is working for
whom?

No wonder, then, that labor has at times had trouble relating to the Occupy
movement. Reasonable concerns about cooptation aside, the movement includes
ultra-left elements who claim to represent the "89 percent" - that is,
excluding what they call the "privileged" minority of workers who are union
members.

Such anti-union rhetoric used to be the exclusive domain of conservatives
aimed at antagonizing union and non-union workers. But with labor leaders so
visibly entrenched in the Democratic Party, maybe it isn't so astonishing
that leftist activists who fail to differentiate between union leadership
and the rank-and-file are prone to such ideas.

Clearly, more rank-and-file involvement is needed to both challenge union
officials and undercut misconceptions on the left about the labor movement.

Ultimately, real union power is not displayed by workers canvassing for
Democrats. It's exercised by workers on the job, like the 70 UE factory
workers who again occupied their workplace last month and won their demands
to keep the plant open while they find a new buyer, or perhaps run the
factory themselves. Or the nearly 500 Seattle port truck drivers who went on
strike for two weeks in February in protest against abuse and deregulation
that has prevented them from organizing with the Teamsters. Or the teachers
in New York City and Chicago who, along with Occupy protesters, have led
fiery demonstrations against budget cuts and school closures.

Sometimes there are tactical reasons for unions to engage in electoral
politics, but trade unionism is not about electing Democrats. Workers join
unions to enforce decent pay and working conditions on the job. Organizing
in an active union also raises the consciousness of workers around
working-class issues beyond an individual workplace, like national
healthcare policy and globalization. And like other social justice
movements, labor cannot attribute much of its success to voting within the
corporate confines of the two-party system.

Real power for workers and the oppressed exists in the streets and in the
workplace, in the form of militant grassroots struggle.

Every national election points to the urgency for radicals to free the
muscle of the union movement from the grip of the Democratic Party - to
tighten the grip of the working class around the machinery of profit.

Brian Tierney is a freelance labor journalist in Washington, DC. Read more
of his work at  <http://subterraneandispatches.wordpress.com/> Subterranean
Dispatches, where this article first appeared.

 

 

 

 



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