Swindle of the age

Paul Foot
Tuesday March 19, 2002
The Guardian

Most successful swindles come with a bribe. Certainly the
greatest swindle of modern times - the pensions racket of
the late 1980s and early 1990s - could never have worked
without a big bribe from the government. Soon after the
big Tory victory in 1983, a gang of tightly knit
Thatcherites, closely connected to the privately financed
University of Buckingham and the banks, decided on a big
push for private enterprise in the field of old age
pensions. These men were offended by what they regarded
as the "crypto-socialist" combination of state and
occupational pension schemes. They campaigned for
"portable pensions" - a dream world in which working
people could go through life reinforced with their own
personal pension bought individually with their own money
to the profit of a bank or an insurance company.

The intellectual and democratic thrust behind this
thinking was summed up by the minister of state for
social security Tony Newton (now Lord Newton). He told
the Commons: "People have more confidence in their bank
managers than their MPs." Newton and his boss, Norman
Fowler, now Lord Fowler, and his junior, John Major,
later prime minister, rammed through the Social Security
Act, under whose provision swarms of "agents" from
companies like the Prudential and Legal & General scoured
the country for suckers in occupational schemes who could
be flogged a private scheme instead. At least a million
people became victims. Almost all the schemes they were
sold turned out to be worse than the schemes they left.

How did so many people fall for this hoax? One answer was
the bribe offered by the government in the same act. If
people switched to private pensions they could claim a 2%
rebate on their national insurance contributions. This
rebate would have to be invested on the stock market and
would, the wretched victims were assured, provide a
better pension than the state ever could. Thousands of
people fell for this claptrap and claimed the rebate. The
shift devastated the state earnings-related scheme
(Serps) that linked pensions to earnings, payments under
which were guaranteed by the state.

How has all this worked out? Well, many swindlers were
eventually rumbled. They ruefully admitted what they
called "mis-selling" (a beautiful synonym for theft and
deceit). Many of them had to pay back at least some of
the money they expropriated. Many hoped a new Labour
government would revert to the party's former allegiance
to state pensions, and link them to earnings. Not so.
Thatcher's smashing of that link was sustained. The gap
between earnings and state pensions grew. Instead of
replenishing Serps, the government set up a "stakeholder"
private pension scheme for the low-paid. Their choice for
a company to run the scheme was the Prudential, which had
"mis-sold" more private pensions than anyone else.

Now what is happening? Lots of people with pension
policies with companies like the good old Pru had letters
last week from the same companies urging them to contract
back into Serps. The state, say the companies, (although
they don't put it quite like this) is more reliable than
the stock exchange. No one will detest that message more
than New Labour ministers for social insecurity.

While this argument rages, Tony Blair has been in
Barcelona for a European summit. To his intense
irritation, he has had to put up with the same arguments
that have persuaded the Pru and others to urge their
clients to clamber back to the state. At the lowest
possible estimate (the police one) a quarter of a million
people thronged the streets of the city where socialists
and anarchists (including George Orwell) once fought
fascists. As in 1936, the unanimous cry of the
demonstrators was "down with capitalism!" All this was
studiously ignored inside the conference, but some doubts
were expressed even there about what was ludicrously
described as the EU's "liberalising agenda".

Blair joined a new liberalising axis called BAB, after
Berlusconi, who with the help of his enormously powerful
companies and former allies of Mussolini, is busy
liberalising Italy, Aznar, the liberalising and very
reactionary prime minister of Spain, and Blair. The
argument between outright and cautious privatisers
annoyingly diverted the conference from what BAB calls
"progress", and very little was achieved. Indeed all the
conference organisers could boast about was a commitment
further to "liberalise the energy market". Blair and Co
are rather short of slogans nowadays so I am happy to
provide them with one: ON, ON, ON - TO ENRON!


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