[from A-infos]

Brazil's Red Star Goes Dim: "Workers' Party" for Sale
by James Wilson, 8/14/02

Lately there have been a number of articles in business
papers pointing out that as popularity increases for the
"Workers' Party" (PT) so does capital flight. (1) As
international investors "make the economy scream" (2) ,
Lula, the party's candidate for President, is being
disciplined with the choice: maintain political ideals and
lose election, or bow to the rich and win.

For him, like other "radical" politicians, winning the
election is most important. In a switch he has soothed
capitalist fears by notifying the World Bank/IMF that he's
now committed to the repayment of loans. A hundred years
ago the US was more forgiving. When it took over Cuba ,
they cancelled the debt to Spain on grounds that the burden
was "'imposed upon the people... without their consent and
by force of arms.'" No such luck for Brazil and its
neighbors today. The region's assembly workers, peasants,
and street vendors never consented to taking out loans,
especially not on condition of neoliberal "adjustments".
Yet former dictators and other heads of state borrowed
recklessly for their pet projects, knowing they personally
wouldn't be the ones repaying their debts. That burden has
historically been left for the ruled, not the rulers.

In another attempt to befriend business elites, the former
steel worker has named a wealthy textile boss as his VP. To
be clear, Jose Alancar is no traitor to his class. As for
the landless families that have occupied fallow areas on
vast estates in order to live and farm, they are
?criminals?. If that isn't a clear enough signal of their
intention to prosecute a war on the poor rather than a war
on poverty, the two have sent their economic advisor North
to reassure Bush on their promise to defend private
property (3). The 3 percent of the population that owns
2/3rds of the arable land can sleep well. (4)

In making the trip to the center of global power Lula shows
he's studied South American history. In 1962 Brazilian
President Goulart talked of instituting a minimum wage and
agrarian reform. John F. Kennedy wasted no time. America's
leading liberal stepped up donations to Brazil's military
commanders and opposition parties friendly to "US
interests". The new formula at the State Department worked.
On March 31st 1964 the military followed up on their word
to Kennedy. They ousted the elected President in a
bloodless coup, and established the hemispheres first state
that followed Nazi practice of using death squads to
eliminate political opposition.(5) (6). As the Constitution
was erased to nothing "and the investment climate improved,
the World Bank offered its first loans in 15 years and US
aid rapidly increased along with torture, murder,
starvation, disease, infant mortality -- and profits." Two
years after the coup, Ambassador Gordon testified before
Congress that a "democratic rebellion" had taken place and
was nothing short of "the single most decisive victory of
freedom in the mid-twentieth century". (7)

In the mid 1970s Lula's brother was one of the many
unionists arrested, tortured, and sometimes killed. Still,
in the context of a "'Stalinist State on top of Dodge
City'", labor unrest continued.(8) In 1978-79 a strike wave
by outlawed unions overwhelmed the multi-national auto
industries of Ford, GM, and others. Settling the strikes
with bribes to a few "leaders" proved futile. The strikes
were won so industry turned to the state for help.

That hard won rights of millions were in fact later
restricted by the government, disheartened many at the
grassroots level. The idea of forming a party to campaign
for elections, take power and change the laws, seemed
easier and too promising to resist.

In forming this "Workers' Party", its activists took note
of Brazilian history. During the 1940's dictatorship of
Getulio Vargas, state controlled unions in the traditon of
fascist Italy dominated. Vargas even went so far as to
adopt Mussolini's labor code. The main preoccupation of
these "unions" was mobilizing their members to the ballot
box in local elections,(recall: student government powers),
rather than organizing shop floor dissent. When a Vargas
loyalist approached Lula in 1979 and said "We are reaching
the river and it is necessary that we, as leaders, show the
people where to cross it.", Lula replied, "I think it is
time that the people should learn where and how to swim by
themselves."

Besides the fascist labor tendency, there was the Brazilian
Communist Party. While respected for their work against the
military, the PCB was most known for crushing internal
dissent of policy advocating collaboration with local
elites against imperialism. Not surprisingly, their primary
goal of kicking out foreign imperialists meant an
inter-class alliance at all levels, not just political. As
with the Vargas era, strikes were to be avoided at great
costs.

By forming a new party controlled by activists at the local
level, the PT attempted to build a combattive workers
alliance capable of determining their own path. (9) Yet
today Lula heads a party he has steered into a fatal
coalition with Brazilian oligarchs. Rather than people
learning to swim for themselves, he advocates the ritual of
visiting the polls every 4 years to vote in a few
individuals that will supposedly solve the problems of the
many.

Instead of direct actions for a return to parliamentary
government, general strikes with political demands for the
junta to stay out of the class wars* would have been more
promising then, and now. After all, without labor there is
no money to pay bosses, their politicians, and militaries
to protect them. They are far more dependent on us than we
are on them. Further, as Brazil's history shows, a union
movement controlled by its members isn't so easily dealt
with by the powerful. There's no central office to break
into, no opportunistic politician to buy off, no
principaled leader to shoot.

That is not to say that politics should have been fully
abandoned for a single focus on the economic plane. Without
a break from neo-liberal orthodoxy of barring import
tariffs, it's unlikely major manufacturing would have even
come to Brazil (10). Given that it was cheaper for heavy
industry to export from North America, Brazil would have
remained a banana republic- precariously selling only a few
resources to unstable world markets, susceptible to
fullblown economic crisis if the price of sugar dropped. To
the contrary, a class as self aware as the auto & steel
workers of Brazil would serve itself well to bypass the
parliamentary game for more direct forms of democracy, such
as neighborhood assemblies and regional ballot initiatives.


Besides regional strikes, the necessity of cross border
labor action is becoming more apparent as multinationals
increasingly use their mobility as a major bargaining chip
against labor. A few years ago the UAW launched a strike in
Michigan that was about investment. GM wanted to relocate
to cheaper areas like Mexico.(11) . GM workers wanted job
security. In Brazil GM workers struck in solidarity. If we
can make an injury to one an injury to all like that, the
global capitalist game will be all but over as the
tradition of "American corporations" fleeing to cheaper
areas no longer shows a positive dollar sign.

For us Lula represents the bankruptcy of the electoral
strategy & the idea of "democratic capitalism". He started
out producing capitalisms goods and services, encouraging
the people around him to fight for themselves. Today he's
becoming a manager of capitalism in the South. Like other
radical politicians before him, Lula gives testimony to the
old saying,"The liberation of the working class is the task
of the workers themselves".


footnote: The phrase "class wars" is used in reference to
the fact that in addition to the conflicts between wage
labor and capital, a major segment of Brazil's population
exists outside the formal economy, as peasants and
self-employed. Many are actively engaged in a struggle over
land with an aristocratic class in tact from the colonial
era.

Bibliography

1. Oppenheimer, Andres. 'Brazil Will Shift Left But Only
Slightly', (2002).
"http://www.miami.com/mld/miamiherald/news/columnists/andres_oppenheimer/3839085
.htm".
(Last accessed: 8/13/02)

2. Barsamian, David. 'Secrets, Lies and Democracy
(Interviews with Noam Chomsky)' (1994).
"http://www.zmag.org/chomsky/sld/sld-3-02.html";. (Last
accessed: 8/13/02)

3. Vann, Bill. 'Brazil?s Workers Party chooses textile
magnate as candidate' (2002).
"http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/jun2002/braz-j22.shtml";.
(Last accessed: 8/13/02)

4. Mark, Jason. 'Brazil's MST: Taking Back the Land'
(2001).
"http://www.globalpolicy.org/socecon/inequal/labor/0227mst.htm";.
(Last accessed: 8/13/02)

5. 'Brazil' (1997)
"http://www.unl.edu/LatAmHis/20thCenturyBrazil.html";. (Last
accessed: 8/13/02)

6. Chomsky, Noam, Herman, Edward. 'The Washington
Connection and Third World Fascism' (1979).
"http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Herman%20/NaziParallelFascism_Herman.html";.
(Last accessed: 8/13/02)

7. Chomsky, Noam. 'Year 501' (1993).
"http://www.zmag.org/chomsky/year/year-c07-s05.html";. (Last
accessed: 8/13/02)

8. Chomsky, Noam. 'Jubilee 2000'
"http://www.zmag.org/crisescurevts/jubilee2000.htm";. (Last
accessed: 8/13/02)

9. Brazil Election Information Committee. 'Brazil: The PT,
Democracy, & Socialism' (1990).
"http://www.stile.lboro.ac.uk/~gyedb/STILE/Email0002091/m10.html";.
(Last accessed: 8/13/02)

10. Shapiro, Helen. 'The Mechanics of Brazil's Auto
Industry' (1996).
"http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/42/037.html";. (Last
accessed: 8/13/02)

11. Bacon, David. 'GENERAL MOTORS -- A POLITICAL STRIKE
CONFRONTS THE GLOBAL ECONOMY' (1998).
"http://www.ainfos.ca/98/aug/ainfos00003.html";. (Last
accessed: 8/13/02)


-------------------------------------------
Macdonald Stainsby
http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/rad-green
http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/leninist-international
--
In the contradiction lies the hope.
                                     --Bertholt Brecht



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