http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Korea/FK24Dg01.html

Korea

Hawks push regime change in N Korea
By Jim Lobe

WASHINGTON - The coalition of foreign-policy hawks that promoted the 2003 
invasion of Iraq is pressing US President George W Bush to adopt a more 
coercive policy toward North Korea, despite strong opposition from China and 
South Korea.

By most accounts, North Korea ranked high in bilateral talks between Bush 
and Northeast Asian leaders, including Chinese President Hu Jintao, at the 
summit of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum in Santiago, 
Chile, this past weekend, although the final communique did not address the 
issue.

Bush reportedly tried to make clear that his patience with Pyongyang and its 
alleged efforts to stall the ongoing "six-party talks" was fast running out 
and that Washington will soon push for stronger measures against North Korea 
in the absence of progress toward an agreement under which Pyongyang would 
dismantle its alleged nuclear-arms program.

Bush claimed on Sunday that his interlocutors, who include the leaders of 
the four other parties to the talks - Russia, China, Japan and South Korea - 
agreed with him, but Hu and South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun have not 
backed down publicly from their strong opposition to a harder line toward 
Pyongyang.

Indeed, just before the weekend summit, Roh told an audience in Los Angeles 
that a hardline policy over North Korea's nuclear weapons would have "grave 
repercussions", adding, "There is no alternative left in dealing with this 
issue except dialogue." The South Korean leader also denounced the idea of 
an economic embargo against Pyongyang.

That the hawks back in Washington are indeed mobilizing became clear on 
Monday when William Kristol, an influential neo-conservative who also chairs 
the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), faxed a statement titled 
"Toward Regime Change in North Korea" to reporters and various "opinion 
leaders" in the capital.

PNAC issues statements relatively infrequently, so its formal statements are 
carefully noted. PNAC boasts Vice President Dick Cheney, Pentagon chief 
Donald Rumsfeld, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz and Cheney's 
powerful chief of staff, I Lewis Libby, among a dozen other senior Bush 
national security officials, as signers of its 1997 charter.

"It's clear that they see the transition [between the Bush administration's 
two terms] and before any new round of the six-party talks, as the time to 
try to set policy direction," one veteran analyst told Inter Press Service 
on Monday.

Kristol's statement referred in particular to two recent articles, including 
one published last week by Nicholas Eberstadt, a Korea specialist at the 
American Enterprise Institute (AEI), that appeared in the neo-conservative 
The Weekly Standard, which is edited by Kristol.

The article, "Tear Down This Tyranny", called for the implementation of a 
six-point strategy aimed at ousting North Korean Chairman Kim Jong-il, in 
part by "working around the pro-appeasement crowd in the South Korean 
government", which apparently includes President Roh himself.

The second article, published on Sunday in The New York Times, detailed a 
number of recent indications cited by right-wing officials and the press in 
Japan - including high-level defections and the reported circulation of 
anti-government pamphlets - that Kim's hold on power may be slipping.

The article noted in particular a recent statement by Shinzo Abe, secretary 
general of Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), that "regime 
change" was a distinct possibility and that "we need to start simulations of 
what we should do at that time".

"Recent reports suggest the presence of emerging cracks in the Stalinist 
power structure of North Korea, and even the emergence of serious dissident 
activity there," wrote Kristol. "This should remind us that one of President 
Bush's top priorities in his second term will have to be dealing with this 
wretch[ed] regime," he went on, citing Eberstadt's strategy as "useful 
guidance for an improved North Korean policy".

Eberstadt's article, which criticized Korea policy in Bush's first term for 
being both "reactive" and "paralyzed by infighting", proceeds from the 
explicit assumption that efforts to persuade North Korea to give up its 
nuclear program - which US intelligence believes may already include as many 
as eight nuclear weapons - are almost certainly futile.

"We are exceedingly unlikely to talk - or to bribe - the current North 
Korean government out of its nuclear quest," wrote Eberstadt in an implicit 
rejection of the basic goal of the six-party talks.

Moreover, he wrote, the nuclear crisis and the North Korean government are 
essentially one and the same: "Unless, and until, we have a better class of 
dictator running North Korea, we will be faced with an ongoing and indeed 
growing North Korean crisis."

To achieve the desired "regime change", Eberstadt called first for a purge 
of US State Department officials who had argued for engaging Pyongyang 
during Bush's first term. Washington, according to Eberstadt, should also 
increase "China's 'ownership' of the North Korean problem" by making clear 
to Beijing that it "will bear high costs if the current denuclearization 
diplomacy failed".

At the same time, US officials must recognize that South Korea has, under 
Kim and the"implacably anti-American and reflexively pro-appeasement" core 
of his government, become a "runaway ally" - "a country bordering a state 
committed to its destruction, and yet governed increasingly in accordance 
with graduate-school 'peace studies' desiderata".

"Instead of appeasing South Korea's appeasers (as our policy to date has 
attempted to do, albeit clumsily)," wrote Eberstadt, "America should be 
speaking over their heads directly to the Korean people, building and 
nurturing the coalitions in South Korean domestic politics that will 
ultimately bring a prodigal ally back into the fold."

Washington should also ready "the non-diplomatic instruments for North 
Korean threat reduction," he wrote, arguing that preparing for the 
deliberate use of such options - presumably an economic embargo or even 
military strikes - "will actually increase the probability of a diplomatic 
success".

Finally, echoing Shinzo Abe, of Japan's LDP, Eberstadt called for planning 
for a "post-Communist Korean Peninsula" with other interested parties, "to 
maximize the opportunities and minimize the risks in that delicate and 
potentially dangerous process".

Eberstadt's strategy, according to a number of analysts, largely echoes the 
views of John Bolton, under secretary of state for arms control and 
international security, a former American Enterprise Institute vice 
president who is openly campaigning to become deputy secretary of state 
under Condoleezza Rice.

Bolton, perhaps the administration's most extreme hardliner, has strong 
support in Cheney's office and other right-wing strongholds, including The 
Weekly Standard and on the editorial page of The Wall Street Journal.

On Saturday, Tokyo's right-wing Governor Shintaro Ishihara, who claims to be 
on friendly terms with Bolton, told Fuji Television that Bolton wants to 
impose economic sanctions against North Korea, which in the US official's 
view, would lead to Kim's ouster "within one year".

(Inter Press Service)

----
Jay P Hailey ~Meow!~
MSNIM - jayphailey ;
AIM -jayphailey03;
ICQ - 37959005
HTTP://jayphailey.8m.com

"Someday your prints will come." - Kodak



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