" Fascism should more appropriately be called Corporatism because it
is a merger of State and corporate power.". Benito Mussolini


It is the sixtieth year anniversarry of the liberation of Auschwitz.
People were exterminated there in the name of "purity", in the
name of "order", in the name of "cleaning". These concepts of
purity, order and cleanness were injected into the masses brains
through ideologies of suepriority, self-importance and "security".

I feel it is our duty to be ever cautious about such mental conditionig
repeating itself. For that purpose, for whatever it is worth, here are
the basic characteristics of fasism:

"...For the purpose of this perspective, I will consider the following 
regimes: Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, Franco’s Spain, Salazar’s Portugal, 
Papadopoulos’s Greece, Pinochet’s Chile, and Suharto’s Indonesia. To be 
sure, they constitute a mixed bag of national identities, cultures, 
developmental levels, and history. But they all followed the fascist or 
protofascist model in obtaining, expanding, and maintaining power. Further, 
all these regimes have been overthrown, so a more or less complete picture 
of their basic characteristics and abuses is possible.

Analysis of these seven regimes reveals fourteen common threads that link 
them in recognizable patterns of national behavior and abuse of power. These 
basic characteristics are more prevalent and intense in some regimes than in 
others, but they all share at least some level of similarity.

1. Powerful and continuing expressions of nationalism. From the prominent 
displays of flags and bunting to the ubiquitous lapel pins, the fervor to 
show patriotic nationalism, both on the part of the regime itself and of 
citizens caught up in its frenzy, was always obvious. Catchy slogans, pride 
in the military, and demands for unity were common themes in expressing this 
nationalism. It was usually coupled with a suspicion of things foreign that 
often bordered on xenophobia.

2. Disdain for the importance of human rights. The regimes themselves viewed 
human rights as of little value and a hindrance to realizing the objectives 
of the ruling elite. Through clever use of propaganda, the population was 
brought to accept these human rights abuses by marginalizing, even 
demonizing, those being targeted. When abuse was egregious, the tactic was 
to use secrecy, denial, and disinformation.

3. Identification of enemies/scapegoats as a unifying cause. The most 
significant common thread among these regimes was the use of scapegoating as 
a means to divert the people’s attention from other problems, to shift blame 
for failures, and to channel frustration in controlled directions. The 
methods of choice—relentless propaganda and disinformation—were usually 
effective. Often the regimes would incite “spontaneous” acts against the 
target scapegoats, usually communists, socialists, liberals, Jews, ethnic 
and racial minorities, traditional national enemies, members of other 
religions, secularists, homosexuals, and “terrorists.” Active opponents of 
these regimes were inevitably labeled as terrorists and dealt with 
accordingly.

4. The supremacy of the military/avid militarism. Ruling elites always 
identified closely with the military and the industrial infrastructure that 
supported it. A disproportionate share of national resources was allocated 
to the military, even when domestic needs were acute. The military was seen 
as an expression of nationalism, and was used whenever possible to assert 
national goals, intimidate other nations, and increase the power and 
prestige of the ruling elite.

5. Rampant sexism. Beyond the simple fact that the political elite and the 
national culture were male-dominated, these regimes inevitably viewed women 
as second-class citizens. They were adamantly anti-abortion and also 
homophobic. These attitudes were usually codified in Draconian laws that 
enjoyed strong support by the orthodox religion of the country, thus lending 
the regime cover for its abuses.

6. A controlled mass media. Under some of the regimes, the mass media were 
under strict direct control and could be relied upon never to stray from the 
party line. Other regimes exercised more subtle power to ensure media 
orthodoxy. Methods included the control of licensing and access to 
resources, economic pressure, appeals to patriotism, and implied threats. 
The leaders of the mass media were often politically compatible with the 
power elite. The result was usually success in keeping the general public 
unaware of the regimes’ excesses.

7. Obsession with national security. Inevitably, a national security 
apparatus was under direct control of the ruling elite. It was usually an 
instrument of oppression, operating in secret and beyond any constraints. 
Its actions were justified under the rubric of protecting “national 
security,” and questioning its activities was portrayed as unpatriotic or 
even treasonous.

8. Religion and ruling elite tied together. Unlike communist regimes, the 
fascist and protofascist regimes were never proclaimed as godless by their 
opponents. In fact, most of the regimes attached themselves to the 
predominant religion of the country and chose to portray themselves as 
militant defenders of that religion. The fact that the ruling elite’s 
behavior was incompatible with the precepts of the religion was generally 
swept under the rug. Propaganda kept up the illusion that the ruling elites 
were defenders of the faith and opponents of the “godless.” A perception was 
manufactured that opposing the power elite was tantamount to an attack on 
religion.

9. Power of corporations protected. Although the personal life of ordinary 
citizens was under strict control, the ability of large corporations to 
operate in relative freedom was not compromised. The ruling elite saw the 
corporate structure as a way to not only ensure military production (in 
developed states), but also as an additional means of social control. 
Members of the economic elite were often pampered by the political elite to 
ensure a continued mutuality of interests, especially in the repression of 
“have-not” citizens.

10. Power of labor suppressed or eliminated. Since organized labor was seen 
as the one power center that could challenge the political hegemony of the 
ruling elite and its corporate allies, it was inevitably crushed or made 
powerless. The poor formed an underclass, viewed with suspicion or outright 
contempt. Under some regimes, being poor was considered akin to a vice.

11. Disdain and suppression of intellectuals and the arts. Intellectuals and 
the inherent freedom of ideas and expression associated with them were 
anathema to these regimes. Intellectual and academic freedom were considered 
subversive to national security and the patriotic ideal. Universities were 
tightly controlled; politically unreliable faculty harassed or eliminated. 
Unorthodox ideas or expressions of dissent were strongly attacked, silenced, 
or crushed. To these regimes, art and literature should serve the national 
interest or they had no right to exist.

12. Obsession with crime and punishment. Most of these regimes maintained 
Draconian systems of criminal justice with huge prison populations. The 
police were often glorified and had almost unchecked power, leading to 
rampant abuse. “Normal” and political crime were often merged into 
trumped-up criminal charges and sometimes used against political opponents 
of the regime. Fear, and hatred, of criminals or “traitors” was often 
promoted among the population as an excuse for more police power.

13. Rampant cronyism and corruption. Those in business circles and close to 
the power elite often used their position to enrich themselves. This 
corruption worked both ways; the power elite would receive financial gifts 
and property from the economic elite, who in turn would gain the benefit of 
government favoritism. Members of the power elite were in a position to 
obtain vast wealth from other sources as well: for example, by stealing 
national resources. With the national security apparatus under control and 
the media muzzled, this corruption was largely unconstrained and not well 
understood by the general population.

14. Fraudulent elections. Elections in the form of plebiscites or public 
opinion polls were usually bogus. When actual elections with candidates were 
held, they would usually be perverted by the power elite to get the desired 
result. Common methods included maintaining control of the election 
machinery, intimidating and disenfranchising opposition voters, destroying 
or disallowing legal votes, and, as a last resort, turning to a judiciary 
beholden to the power elite.

Does any of this ring alarm bells? Of course not. After all, this is 
America, officially a democracy with the rule of law, a constitution, a free 
press, honest elections, and a well-informed public constantly being put on 
guard against evils. Historical comparisons like these are just exercises in 
verbal gymnastics. Maybe, maybe not.

Note

1. Defined as a “political movement or regime tending toward or imitating 
Fascism”—Webster’s Unabridged Dictionary.

References

Andrews, Kevin. Greece in the Dark. Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1980.
Chabod, Frederico. A History of Italian Fascism. London: Weidenfeld, 1963.
Cooper, Marc. Pinochet and Me. New York: Verso, 2001.
Cornwell, John. Hitler as Pope. New York: Viking, 1999.
de Figuerio, Antonio. Portugal—Fifty Years of Dictatorship. New York: Holmes 
& Meier, 1976.
Eatwell, Roger. Fascism, A History. New York: Penguin, 1995.
Fest, Joachim C. The Face of the Third Reich. New York: Pantheon, 1970.
Gallo, Max. Mussolini’s Italy. New York: MacMillan, 1973.
Kershaw, Ian. Hitler (two volumes). New York: Norton, 1999.
Laqueur, Walter. Fascism, Past, Present, and Future. New York: Oxford, 1996.
Papandreau, Andreas. Democracy at Gunpoint. New York: Penguin Books, 1971.
Phillips, Peter. Censored 2001: 25 Years of Censored News. New York: Seven 
Stories. 2001.
Sharp, M.E. Indonesia Beyond Suharto. Armonk, 1999.
Verdugo, Patricia. Chile, Pinochet, and the Caravan of Death. Coral Gables, 
Florida: North-South Center Press, 2001.
Yglesias, Jose. The Franco Years. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1977.

_________________________________________________________________
FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar – get it now! 
http://toolbar.msn.click-url.com/go/onm00200415ave/direct/01/



To get on or off this list see list information at
http://www.cs.dartmouth.edu/~wbc/lute-admin/index.html

Reply via email to