In a message dated 7/25/2005 1:33:42 AM Central Standard Time, rdumain  
writes:

>>Liu's mystical-nationalist drivel is so similar to the arguments of the 
Hindutva fascists, who also have an affinity to neo-pagan fascists in the 
West, I neglected to qualify my outburst by specifying that Liu's argument 
was not based on India nor was it specifically about environmentalism.  It 
seems that Liu is actually a Chinese nationalist and apologist for Chinese 
Stalinism.  See, e.g.:<<

http://atimes01.atimes.com/atimes/others/Henry.html

Reply

I have read Henry's writings over the past few years and during the time he 
was expelled from Marxmail. Is it not over the top to basically call Henry a 
fascist . . . neo- fascists? The article excepted by Henry was sourced to the 
A-List, rather than a right-wing newspaper. Your source of much of Henry's 
writings to Asia Times proves nothing in your contention and allegation of Mr. 
Liu 
being similar to a fascist. 

Lastly, your ridiculous charged of Stalinism - as if that serves as a bogey 
man, is the ideological bag in trade of the imperialist bourgeoisie from 1928 
to 1991. Below is taken from the source you quoted, although Henry has more 
excellent material in Asian times. I found Money, Power and Art to be 
substantial. Henry's writings are most certainly superior to anything you have 
written 
for this list, which is meant to have a bias towards praxis or the lived 
experience of our working class movement. 

You of course are free to take your Trotskyite foot out of your mouth. 

Melvin P. 

http://atimes01.atimes.com/atimes/China/FL01Ad01.html

China's move toward market economy along neo-liberal lines was originally 
intended to be a brief and temporary program to kick-start its economy off the 
stagnation caused by decades of hostile US containment and embargo, made worse 
by domestic ultra-radical excesses typical of a garrison state. But the 
temporary corrective expediency turned into a permanent revisionist policy that 
inevitably led to political instability. 

The pressure exploded in the Tiananmen incident in 1989, a decade after the 
launching of China's "temporary" economic reform. Misled by biased Western 
media with an agenda separate from the target, adverse international reaction 
on 
Tiananmen reverberated around the world, causing intense hostility toward 
socialist China, particularly from the Western anti-communist left, whose 
members 
denounced the Chinese government as being repressive of democracy, ignoring the 
fact that the real culprit was a policy drift toward market capitalism away 
from socialist planning. The historical fact was that Tiananmen began as a 
student mass movement to arrest the erosion of socialism in China. 

Domestically, the real tragedy of Tiananmen was not the alleged abortion of 
latent bourgeois democracy, as the Western media tried to spin it. It was the 
ossification of a brief transitory strategy of market liberalization in order 
to build better socialism into a lasting policy of permanently postponing 
socialist construction. This policy is rationalized with all kind of 
revisionist 
ideological mumbo-jumbo, such as China must first go through a long capitalist 
stage before it can move onto a socialist stage, and let some people get rich 
first. The word "first" was then conveniently drop and the slogan became: let 
some people get rich, period. Yet there is solid evidence that China has 
successfully leapfrogged into the space age without repeating the costly 
experimentation of another century of the sub-orbital aviation. It is then a 
puzzle why 
socialism has to be postponed and wait for its gradual evolution from a 
restoration of capitalism. 

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