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*       Subject: [A-List] Analysis: Cold War Offspring Of Hot War 
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----- Original Message ----- 
From: Rick Rozoff
To: Stop NATO
Sent: Friday, March 03, 2006 8:07 PM
Subject: [stopnato] Analysis: Cold War Offspring Of Hot War


http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20060303/43901038.html


Russian Information Agency (Novosti)
March 3, 2006


Cold War an offspring of "hot war"
Dr. Valentin Falin


-[Churchill] naturally, did not mention his conference
with Roosevelt and their chiefs of staff in Quebec in
August 1943, where he suggested collusion with Nazi
generals for planning a war against the Soviet Union.
The MI5 head, Sir Stewart Menzies, held a series of
secret meetings with his German counterpart, Admiral
Wilhelm Canaris, in the unoccupied part of France to
discuss making Germany a friend and the Soviet Union
an enemy.
Churchill, who had a very good memory, "forgot" to
mention the fact that in spring 1945, a few months
before the capitulation of Germany, he had ordered the
planning of Operation Unthinkable against the Soviet
Union that involved "the re-equipment and
re-organization of German manpower." The date for a
third world war was set at July 1, 1945.
-People sometimes ask if the Cold War ended with the
demise of the Soviet Union. I don't think so. It is
enough to read the resolutions of the Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) on Russia to
see that the spirit of the Fulton speech has not died.



MOSCOW - Myths are known to persist, as proved by
Winston Churchill's speech in Fulton in 1946. To this
day it is regarded as the "anti-communist manifesto"
that unleashed the Cold War and encouraged Stalin to
erect the "iron curtain," which cut off a half of
Europe from the "free world."

How much of the above is true? Words in politics do
not service truth or moral values, but somebody's
interests, which are sometimes profane. This is why it
would be useless to argue with Churchill. Instead, we
should ask ourselves why Churchill was invited to read
the last rites for the anti-Hitler coalition and to
proclaim a U-turn in the Western policy. Seven months
before Fulton, the British electorate refused to
reelect Churchill because the British Conservatives
and he personally proved unable to come to terms with
the Soviet Union.

U.S. President Harry Truman saw Churchill's dislike of
Moscow, his attempts to put spokes in the wheels of
"Russian barbarians," sabotage of the Second Front
idea, and, by the end of the war, open attempts to
steal the fruit of common victory as the graduation
diploma for the title of statesman. To him, Churchill
was the best imaginable partner in the common pursuit
of Russophobia, the lodestar of Truman's performance
as senator and president.

By March 1946, Truman had made short shrift of the
heritage left to him by Franklin Delano Roosevelt. He
had pensioned off his predecessor's colleagues or
deprived them of real influence on state affairs. But
his personal prestige was not sufficient to bury
Roosevelt's program of post-war world order. He needed
a more respected politician to blacken his recent ally
- the Soviet Union, which bore the brunt in the
struggle against Nazism, - and to convince the
American public that it had become an enemy overnight.


He needed a witness, a former member of the Big Troika
who would hint at circumstances that had pushed
Western democracies into the same boat with Moscow.
But the boat had cast anchor in a safe haven and so
the democracies could get rid of the "alien member"
who resisted the Anglo-Saxon interpretation of the
international rules of the game.

Winston Churchill was a champion of fooling the people
in Britain or across the ocean. Rhetoric was his
hobbyhorse. He was an unrivalled master of raping,
distorting and ignoring facts. While trying to scare
the public with a Soviet threat, the former prime
minister, naturally, did not mention his conference
with Roosevelt and their chiefs of staff in Quebec in
August 1943, where he suggested collusion with Nazi
generals for planning a war against the Soviet Union.
The MI5 head, Sir Stewart Menzies, held a series of
secret meetings with his German counterpart, Admiral
Wilhelm Canaris, in the unoccupied part of France to
discuss making Germany a friend and the Soviet Union
an enemy.

Churchill, who had a very good memory, "forgot" to
mention the fact that in spring 1945, a few months
before the capitulation of Germany, he had ordered the
planning of Operation Unthinkable against the Soviet
Union that involved "the re-equipment and
re-organization of German manpower." The date for a
third world war was set at July 1, 1945.

Nobody mentioned Churchill's other "feats," which
prolonged the war in Europe for at least 18-24 months
and claimed millions of lives that could have been
saved.

Maybe the Soviet leaders wanted to trample over Europe
and force their vision of "power by the people" on it?
There has always been a shortage of political angels
in Moscow. But here is what Lucius D. Clay, Deputy
U.S. Military Governor of Germany, who cannot be
suspected of pro-Soviet sentiments, reported to the
State Department in April 1946.

He said the Soviet representatives in the Allied
Control Council could not be accused of breaching the
Potsdam Agreements. To the contrary, they are
fulfilling them most honestly, demonstrating a sincere
desire to be friendly with and respect for the United
States, he said. We did not for a second believe in
the possibility of a Soviet aggression, and we still
do not believe it, he said.

This does not sounds at all like what Churchill said
in Fulton.

The Kremlin had no time or money for "exporting the
revolution," as it had to resurrect the Soviet Union
from ruins, normalize life, rebuild industrial
enterprises, tens of thousands of kilometers of
railroad lines, and collective and state farms that
had to feed the people. Moreover, Moscow did not
envision a "socialist future" for Germany, the main
cause of its plight.

Wilhelm Pieck, the leader of German Communists, wrote
down in his diaries the recommendations he had
received from Stalin during personal meetings in
1945-1952. "Do not attempt to create a mini-Soviet
Union in East Germany or undertake socialist reforms.
Your task is to carry through the 1848 bourgeois
revolution, which Bismarck and then Hitler halted,"
Stalin told him.

Stalin thought the split of Germany contradicted the
strategic interests of the Soviet Union, and saw
resistance to the separatist trends encouraged by
France, Britain and the U.S. as the basis for
consolidating different political anti-fascist forces
in Germany.

In 1946 and 1947, the Soviet Union offered the three
Western allies to hold general free elections in
Germany with a view to forming a national government,
to sign a peace treaty with Germans, and to withdraw
all foreign troops, including the Soviet ones, from
the country. Germans were offered the freedom to
choose of a social and economic regime. Moscow favored
the Weimar variant.

What was Washington's reaction? "We have no reason to
trust the democratic will of the German people," said
the US Secretary of State.

Moscow was not happy with the Versailles-style
sanitary cordons, with which Churchill and other
"democrats" wanted to surround the Soviet Union. But
it did not plan to trample down on anyone in 1945 or
1946. A vivid proof is Finland, which has benefited
considerably from its commitment to neighborly
relations with the Soviet Union. Unfortunately, very
few countries followed its example. But it should be
recalled that until 1947 or 1948, the governments in
Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Romania were led by
bourgeois politicians Edward Benes, Ferencz Nagy and
Petru Groza. Moreover, Hungary had inherited an
effective bureaucratic and judicial system from the
Horty regime.

"Popular fronts" in the Soviet Union's neighbors were
the first victims of the Cold War engineered by
Washington as a prelude to a hot war. The adequacy of
the Kremlin's response measures can be argued, but
objective researchers will agree that these were
indeed response measures.

People sometimes ask if the Cold War ended with the
demise of the Soviet Union. I don't think so. It is
enough to read the resolutions of the Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) on Russia to
see that the spirit of the Fulton speech has not died.
For centuries, hatred of Russia has distorted the
world outlook and the actions of the West regarding
the Russian nation, and it still poisons the minds of
many "democrats."

President Boris Yeltsin, his Foreign Minister Andrei
Kozyrev and other statesmen of the first post-Soviet
years of Russia's modern history bruised their knees
repenting Russia's real and imaginary sins, but
Russia-haters are still not satisfied. But then, they
are probably waiting for Russia to repeat the fate of
Scythians, a nomadic tribe that ceased to exist in the
first century BC.








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